THE INTERNATIONAL JEW by HENRY FORD - Chapter 5
THE JEWISH POLITICAL
PROGRAM
Theodor Herzl, one of the greatest of the Jews and
founder of modern Zionism, was perhaps the farthest-seeing public
exponent of the philosophy of Jewish existence that modern
generations have known. He was never in doubt of the existence of
the Jewish nation. He proclaimed its existence on every occasion.
He said, "We are a people-One people."
He clearly saw that what he called the Jewish Question
was political. In his introduction to "The Jewish State" he
says:
"I believe that I understand anti-Semitism, which is
really a highly complex movement. I consider it from a Jewish
standpoint, yet without fear or hatred. I believe that I can see
what elements there are in it of vulgar sport, of common trade
jealousy, of inherited prejudice, of religious intolerance and
also of pretended defense. I think the Jewish Question is no more
a social than a religious one, notwithstanding that it sometimes
takes these and other forms. It is a national question, which can
only be solved by making it a political world-question to be
discussed and controlled by the civilized nations of the world in
council."
Not only did Herzl declare that the Jews formed a
nation, but in relating the action of this Jewish nation to the
world Herzl wrote:
"When we sink, we become a revolutionary proletariat,
the subordinate officers of the revolutionary party; when we rise,
there rises also our terrible power of the purse."
This view, which appears to be the true view in that
it is the view which has been longest sustained in Jewish thought,
is brought out also by Lord Eustace Percy, and re-published,
apparently with approval, by the Canadian "Jewish Chronicle." It
will repay careful reading.
"Liberalism and Nationalism, with a flourish of
trumpets, threw open the doors of the ghetto and offered equal
citizenship to the Jew. The Jew passed out into the Western World,
saw the power and the glory of it, used it and enjoyed it, laid
his hand indeed upon the nerve centers of its civilization,
guided, directed and exploited it, and then -refused the offer
.... Moreover-and this is a remarkable thing-the Europe of
nationalism and liberalism, of scientific government and
democratic equality is more intolerable to him than the old
oppressions and persecutions of despotism ....
"In a world of completely organized territorial
sovereignties he (the Jew) has only two possible cities of refuge:
he must either pull down the pillars of the whole national state
system or he must create a territorial sovereignty of his own. In
this perhaps lies the explanation both of Jewish Bolshevism and of
Zionism, for at this moment Eastern Jewry seems to hover
uncertainly between the two. In Eastern Europe Bolshevism and
Zionism often seem to grow side by side, just as Jewish influence
molded Republican and Socialist thought throughout the nineteenth
century, down to the Young Turk revolution in Constantinople
hardly more than a decade ago-not because the Jew cares for the
positive side of radical philosophy, not because he desires to be
a partaker in Gentile nationalism or Gentile democracy, but
because no existing Gentile system of government is ever anything
but distasteful to him."
All that is true, and Jewish thinkers of the more
fearless type always recognize it as true. The Jew against the
Gentile scheme of things. He is, when he gives his tendencies full
sway, a Republican as against the monarchy, a Socialist as against
the republic, and a Bolshevist as against socialism.
What are the causes of this disruptive activity?
First, his essential lack of democracy. Jewish nature is
autocratic. Democracy is all right for the rest of the world, but
the Jew wherever he is found forms an aristocracy of one sort or
another. Democracy is merely a tool of a word which Jewish
agitators use to raise themselves to the ordinary level in places
where they are oppressed below it; but having reached the common
level they immediately make efforts for special privileges, as
being entitled to them- a process which the late Peace Conference
(Versailles: Ed.) will remain the most startling example. The Jews
today are the only people whose special and extraordinary
privileges are written into the world's Treaty of Peace. (Original
published in July, 1920: refer also to the present United Nations:
Editor).
In all the explanations of anti-Jewish feeling which
modern Jewish spokesmen make, these three alleged causes are
commonly given-these three and no more: religious prejudice,
economic jealousy, social antipathy. Whether the Jew knows it or
not, every Gentile knows that on his side of the Jewish Question
no religious prejudice exists. Economic jealousy may exist, at
least to this extent, that his uniform success has exposed the Jew
to much scrutiny. The finances of the world are in control of
Jews; their decisions and their devices are themselves our
economic law.
Economic jealousy may explain some of the anti-Jewish
feeling; it cannot account for the presence of the Jewish Question
except as the hidden causes of Jewish financial success may become
a minor element of the larger problem. And as for social
antipathy-there are many more undesirable Gentiles in the world
than there are undesirable Jews, for the simple reason that there
are many more Gentiles.
None of the Jewish spokesmen mention the political
cause, or if they come within suggestive distance of it, they
limit it and localize it. The political element inheres in the
fact that the Jews form a nation in the midst of the nations. It
is not the fact that-the Jews remain a nation in the midst of the
nations; it is the USE made of that inescapable status, which the
world has found to be reprehensible. The nations have tried to
reduce the Jews to unity with themselves, but destiny seems to
have marked them out to continuous nationhood. Both the Jews and
the World will have to accept that fact. The Jewish world program,
and the political basis of anti-Jewish feeling which that program
creates, is exposed by Jewish cosmopolitanism with regard to the
world, and by Jewish nationalistic integrity with regard to
themselves.
No one now pretends to deny, except a few spokesmen
who really do not rule the thought of the Jews but are set forth
for the sole benefit of influencing Gentile thought, that the
socially and economically disruptive elements abroad in the world
today are not only manned but also monied by Jewish interests.
For a long time this fact was held in suspense owing
to the vigorous denial of the Jews and the lack of information on
the part of those agencies of publicity to which the public looked
for its information. But now the facts are coming forth. Herzl's
words are being proved to be true- "when we sink, we become a
revolutionary proletariat, the subordinate officers of the
revolutionary party." These words were first published in English
in 1896 !
Just now these tendencies are working in two
directions! one for the tearing down of the Gentile states all
over the world, the other for the establishment of a Jewish state
in Palestine. The latter project engaged the attention of the
whole world. The Zionists make a great deal of noise about
Palestine, but it can scarcely be designated as more than an
unusually ambitious colonization scheme. The Jewish "home" idea so
sedulously cultivated is a very useful smokescreen for the
confiscation of the immeasurable sources of mineral and oil
wealth. It is also serving as a very useful public screen for the
carrying on of secret activities.
International Jews, the controllers of the world's
governmental and financial power, may meet anywhere, at any time,
in war or peace time, and by giving out that they are only
considering the ways and means of opening up Palestine to the
Jews, they easily escape the suspicion of being together on any
other business.
Though Jewish nationalism exists, its enshrinement in
a state to be set up in Palestine is not the project that is
engaging the whole Jewish nation. The Jews will not move into
Palestine just yet; they will not move in at all merely because of
the Zionist movement. Quite another motive will be the cause of
the exodus out of the Gentile nations, when the time for that
exodus fully comes.
The world has long suspected-at first only a few, then
the secret departments of the governments, next the intellectuals
among the people, now more and more the common people
themselves-that not only are the Jews a nation distinct from all
other nations and mysteriously unable to sink their nationality by
any means they or the world may adopt to this end, but that they
also constitute a STATE; that they are nationally conscious, not
only, but consciously united for a common defense for a common
purpose. Revert to Herzl's definition of the Jewish nation as held
together by a common enemy, and then reflect that this common
enemy is the Gentile world ! Does this people which knows itself
to be a nation remain loosely unorganized in the face of that
fact? It would hardly be like Jewish astuteness in other fields!
The interest of the Protocols is their bearing on the questions:
Have the Jews an organized world system ? What is its policy ? How
is it being worked?
These questions all receive full attention in the
Protocols. Whosoever was the mind that conceived them possessed a
knowledge of human nature, of history and of statecraft which is
dazzling in its brilliant completeness, and terrible in the
objects to which it turns its powers. If, indeed, one mind alone
conceived them. It is too terribly real for fiction, too
well-sustained for speculation, too deep in its knowledge of the
secret springs of life for forgery. Jewish attacks upon it thus
far make much of the fact that it came out of Russia. That is
hardly true. It came by way of Russia.
The internal evidence makes it clear that the
Protocols were not written by a Russian, nor originally in the
Russian language, nor under the influence of Russian conditions,
but they found their way to Russia and were first published there
about 1905 by a Professor Nilus, who attempted to interpret the
Protocols by events then going forward in Russia.
They have been found by diplomatic officers in manuscript in all
parts of the world. Wherever Jewish power is able to do so, it has
suppressed them, sometimes under the extreme penalty.
Their persistence is a fact which challenges the mind
Sheer lies do not live long, their power soon dies. The Protocols
are more alive than ever. They have penetrated higher places than
ever before. They have compelled a more Serious attitude to them
than ever before. The Protocols are a World Program-there is no
doubt anywhere of that-whose program is stated within the articles
themselves. But as for outer confirmation, which would be the more
valuable - a signature, or six signatures, or twenty signatures,
or a 50-year unbroken line of effort fulfilling that program ?
The point of interest for this and other countries is
not t at a "criminal or a madman" conceived such a program but
that, when conceived, this program found means of getting itself
fulfilled in its most important particulars. The document is
comparatively unimportant; the conditions to which it calls
attention are of a very high degree of importance.
"when we become rulers we shall regard as undesirable the existence of any religion except our own, proclaiming One God with Whom our fate is tied as The Chosen People, and by Whom our fate has been made one with the fate of the world. For this reason we must destroy all other religions. If thereby should emerge contemporary atheists, then, as a transition step, this will not interfere with our aims.
-The Fourteenth Protocol.
"A world coalition of Gentiles could cope with us temporarily, but we are assured against this by roots of dissension among them so deep that they cannot be torn out. We have created antagonism between the personal and national interests of the Gentiles by arousing religious and race hatreds which we have nourished in their hearts for twenty centuries. "
-The Fifth Protocol.
by
HENRY FORD, SR.
CONTENTS
Index
|
Chapter 1. ewish
History in the United
States Chapter 2.Angles
of Jewish Influence Chapter 3.Victims,
or Persecutors? Chapter 4.Are
the Jews a Nation? Chapter 5.The
Jewish Political Program Chapter 6.Introduction
to the "Jewish Protocols" Chapter 7.How
the Jews Use Power Chapter 8.Jewish Influence in American Politics |
Chapter 9.Bolshevism
and Zionism Chapter 10.Jewishpower
in the Theatre and Cinema Chapter 11.Jewish
Jazz Becomes our National
Music Chapter 12.Liquor,
Gambling, Vice and
Corruption Chapter 13.The
World's Foremost Problem Chapter 14.The
Jewish Money Power Chapter 15.The
Battle for Press Control Chapter 16.The
State of All-Judaan |
|
