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- AL-INTIQAD:
Welcome
Mr Jan Myrdal and thank you for this interview in Al-Intiqad.
- JAN MYRDAL:
I am glad to have this opportunity to
discuss with and express my opinions on general questions to an
anti-imperialistic, Moslem audience. I am not a Moslem; it is
important to state that from the very beginning because there is a
very strong imperialistic propaganda saying that there is an
unbridgeable gap between people like me and the Moslems. I hold that
this is not so
I am now by this discussion trying to continue
what I have tried to say at different conferences in Stockholm,
Paris, Istanbul and in Jordan: the present conflicts are not a clash
of civilisations, a war of cultures.
Let me be concrete. During the Istanbul Tribunal
on the Iraq war Bush and Blair were found to be guilty of the type
of crimes that were condemned in the Nuremberg Trials against the
Nazi leaders. Both of these political leaders often talk about their
beliefs and ideals; Bush is what is called a reborn Christian and
Blair is said to have prayed before taking the decision to go to
war. But their actions are not expressions of any Christian faith.
If nothing else they are hypocrites.
Their war is not a religious Christian war
against Islam. My late grandmother was a devout Christian. We have
millions like her in our countries. These Christian believers are
not enemies of your countries and your peoples, they are not the
ones going to war.
Bush and Blair and their likes have an agenda
which is very simple. Theirs is a struggle for keeping domination,
for economic supremacy and for securing natural resources; in your
countries specifically oil.
In this the present situation is not very
different from earlier modern history during the 19th and 20th
centuries. You in your countries as well as we in our countries must
see it clearly, for what it is. We should not let us be fooled
talking as if the policies of Bush were decided by his interest in
”human rights” or ”democracy” or his Christian religious beliefs.
Because that is what it is not; it is a question of oil and power,
economics and military might. Halliburton gets tremendous income
from this war in Iraq as you all know.
This must be clearly borne in mind. Let me remind
you that Cheney, the present vice president of the United States
(and the former chief of Halliburton) in May 2001 presented a report
on the oil security of the United States. According to Cheney the
internal production would fall from then 8,5 million barrels per day
to 7 million per day in 2020, at the same time consumption would
increase from 19,5 million barrels to 22,5 million barrels. Securing
these energy resources would have to be the top priority in the
United States foreign policy. We all know - and you have felt it on
your own persons - how these policies have been implemented. If you
on a world map mark the 570 military installations of the United
States you will see how they are clustered around oil reserves and
pipe lines all over the world. Of course the leaders of the
predatory United States try to cloud the issue. As the Moslem
countries of the Middle East are rich in oil they try to mask their
struggle for this oil in an anti-Moslem campaign or a ”war between
cultures” (”a Crusade”, as Bush said or ”installing democracy and
respect for human rights” as Blair could put it).
That campaign against Islam as a religion and
Moslems as believers is a reality. It colours the mass media and the
political discussions in our countries. It is used in internal
politics against minorities in our countries in Europe (the people
of the ”banlieus” in France for instance). That is why it is
necessary for us through articles, discussions, conferences to show
that it is a false ideology.
Let’s go back. If you go to the history books you
will read about the wars of religion in Europe in the 16th, 17th
centuries. True there was much talk of religion. In the propaganda
the Swedish king Gustavus Adolphus, the big Protestant hero from the
North entered Germany for the sake of religion. But did he? Well, he
said so, and he was a Protestant, he fought against Catholic
generals but he did so in the pay of Cardinal Richelieu of France.
That Catholic Cardinal used the Protestant Swedish king in his
struggle against the Catholic German Emperor in Vienna. The truth
behind that facade of a religious war is that it was a new phase of
the power struggle for supremacy in Europe!
I’m saying this because we should be clear about
the fact that it is not the Christians as such (the millions in
Europe - and other parts of the world - who are believing Christians
like my grandmother was) but imperial powers, who in their selfish
interest are utilising different ideologies. They call it ”human
rights”, they can talk – as the religious ultra-Right in the United
States – about their religion, but in fact it is a question of
profit, domination and natural resources.
This means that the common people in the West in
reality have the same interest of peace and respectful co-operation
- not predatory war - as those in your countries. It is up to us as
writers and intellectuals to clarify this and go against the false
consciousness.
Let me take another example to make this clear.
Sweden has a rather small population, but we are sitting on 15 % of
the worlds uranium resources. We have politically decided not to use
this. The United States even once put great pressure on us not to
develop our - at that time scientifically interesting - own atomic
technology programme but to stay dependent on them. As I said in
1964: If Sweden tries to go her own way the United States and the
Soviet Union will unite to bomb us!
But at a certain stage, the United States – when
the oil resources are running low and their energy needs remain high
- will surely try to grab these Swedish uranium deposits.
Prospecting is already going on despite local protests.
If we do not accept to let the United States
utilise our natural resources in their own interest and for their
own profit but stand on our right to national independence and do
not have prepared a real defence that can (like North Korea!) deter
them the United States will surely try to get hold of our ore. They
could use one pretext or another. For instance they could say that
Sweden for more than seventy years has had a more or less middle of
the road Social-Democratic government that according to them was
lacking in respect for private property and that Swedes needed to be
liberated into a true market economy. Or - as the uranium deposits
are in the North - they could point out that the Same people (the
indigenous ethnic minority in Sweden) is being oppressed and has to
be helped by the United States military might to build an
independent national state.
I say this because you must understand that you
are not the only ones being subjected to their policies. Look at
Yugoslavia! As long as the United States during the Cold War had use
for Tito against the Soviet Union they supported Yugoslavia
politically as well as economically and praised the Yugoslav state.
When they had won that cold war they changed policy. It was in their
interest - together with that of Germany - to divide the Yugoslav
state. Divide and rule!
- AL-INTIQAD:
By
which strategies do imperial powers of today exert their control and
dominance, indirectly by local agents or through direct rule, and by
which slogans do they try to mask their dominative ambitions?
- JAN MYRDAL:
In your countries as in our country there
will always be certain groups who make a profit on imperialist
domination. They were called ”Compradors” in colonial times in China
and other countries. They were called ”Collaborators” in Occupied
France. Intellectuals and businessmen directly linked to the ruling
- colonial or occupying - power.
If you look at the colonial history of India you
will see there was always a large segment of Indian society that was
closely bound to British Imperialism and profited by it; feudal
princes, mercenaries, bureaucrats, businessmen. This you have had in
all your countries. These social groups still exist and we of course
have similar groups too. In certain situations they can be extremely
dangerous. Today they will probably dress themselves, more or less
consciously, in terms like ”NGO:s for human rights” etc. The history
of the break up of the former Soviet Union and the role of foreign
funded ”human rights groups” is very enlightening.
As for human rights, you should remember that
when the leaders of the West today talk about ”human rights”, the
only human right they really care for is the right to property but
not in the sense of individual property (a house, a savings account,
a small shop) but of private control of natural resources and banks,
monopolies, trusts. They are quite prepared to imprison and torture
outside any legal framework as long as these their property rights
are held sacred. Take their campaign against Cuba as an example. The
leaders of the United States have never forgiven the Cubans that
they lost the dominant United States suzerainty over Cuba (and that
the brothels and gambling houses they owned there were closed down).
But then you can look at the survival rate of Cuban children. The
Cuban children live because the United States influence was
abrogated (and their collaborators thrown out).
Which is the main human right? The main human
right is the right to exist, the right to survival. You can see the
horrors of the Neo-liberal agenda all around the world. See poor
Russia – I was not very fond of the Soviet polices as you might know
– but now the decline of population has become a real genocide! But
the leaders of the West call the fate of the Russian people - how
their common wealth was stolen by a handful of corrupt individuals,
and the life expectancy of common Russians drastically fell - after
the implementation of the market economy a triumph of Democracy and
Human Rights!
One should thus be very careful with ”human
rights”. They are valid in the struggle against torture and
exploitation, illness and poverty, for the right to survive and for
a decent life. These are human rights. But those who now more or
less openly and consciously are serving imperial interests will
today dress up their intrigues as ”Human rights”, ”Democracy” or
whatever you have.
- AL-INTIQAD:
Are
not these so-called”human
rights”
issues very selective, that some people according to the West are
more worth than others?
- JAN MYRDAL:
Of course. If a struggle for reclaiming
stolen agricultural land in some country in Africa leaves 10 White
settlers dead that becomes a major human rights issue in the West
whereas 100 000 dead African children are uninteresting; they are
just a normality.
If you own the patent of a drug for a common
deadly illness you make a tremendous profit. You keep the price up.
You don’t allow cheap drugs that can make the children survive. If a
country in the Third World begins to make the drug itself to save
its population from illness and death the United States government
screams against this crime and will use all the instruments in its
power against this thieving country.
The very simple truth is that some small groups
in the imperialist powers in the West (to which also countries like
Japan and small predatory powers like Sweden have to be counted)
profit from oppression and exploitation (both directly and through
what is euphemistically called ”terms of trade”) in what is called
the Third World.
In saying this I once more want to point out that
you have to see the difference between the common people of our
countries and the ruling circles.
- AL-INTIQAD:
What
is you perception of the question of Palestine?
- JAN MYRDAL:
This is a very serious question. What did
we on the Left in Europe say before and during the Second World War?
What we at that time thought was that when the anti-colonial
struggle got the British out of Palestine there would be a Palestine
for the people of different religions Christians, Moslems, Jews – a
unified Palestine – liberated from the British.
This is not what happened. The reasons for this
are to be sought in what in legal terms is called a pactum turpe - a
dirty political deal you could say - specially between the United
States at the time, and the Soviet Union who both but for different
reasons wanted to disrupt and supplant what was still the British
Empire. Some leaders of what was becoming the Socialist camp had the
strange illusion that a Zionist state would be them a socialist
friend. The United States realistically counted on such a state to
become a faithful beach head.
There is also something you in your countries
have to understand. There was a cynical use of the latent
anti-Semitism in Europe in order to create a mass emigration to
Palestine. Jews who had survived the German persecution were in
Western Europe held in camps for Displaced Persons in miserable
conditions. There were shameful pogroms in Poland and of the 80.000
surviving Jews in Poland 30.000 had already a year after the end of
the war fled westward to these camps. No country in Europe - and
decidedly not the United States - wanted the multitudes in the camps
of DP:s. Of the 335.000 Jews in Romania and the 200.000 in Hungary
the majority were destitute and - despite official governmental
phraseology - were being pushed out towards Palestine. These poor
and oppressed multitudes were used as tools to open Palestine for
mass immigration. It was an extremely cynical policy.
The result has been that the new state was not
created as a post-colonial state for the population of Palestine -
people of different faiths - but as an artificial and racially
defined colonial and dependent entity whose original population was
driven out. The Palestinian people became refugees or subjugated
natives. Israel thus was made into a strange racist state in
perpetual conflict and expansion. This is an extremely unstable
situation.
It has already led to a continuing war in several
phases. In 1967 when I, after the Six Days War, spoke on this at the
protest meeting we held in Stockholm, I pointed out that this war
could last for 100 years or more.
One should always remember that whatever we hope
there are also negative possibilities. Six hundred years ago neither
the people of what is now called Australia or of North America could
envisage that they would (partly as south of what is now the border
between Mexico and the United States and totally north of that
border and in Australia) be exterminated. But they have been. The
genocide in what is now Mexico was numerically one of the largest in
recorded history. The genocide in what is now the United States next
to complete. There it was carried on until the beginning of the 20th
Century and there are now only small clusters left of the indigenous
population.
We should keep in mind that the Palestinians too
could be exterminated. A people can disappear. For certain groups in
Israel - certain settlers for instance - this disappearance of the
Palestinian people is an option. For cultural reasons there is in
the United States also a traditional acceptance of such a genocide.
- AL-INTIQAD:
How
should the Palestinians react in the present to this situation?
- JAN MYRDAL:
In this situation it is of course very
important for them to make a very careful analysis of the whole
situation. The struggle is necessary if they are to survive but
struggle and heroism is not enough. Nobody can say that the
indigenous population of what is now the United States - the so
called Indians - did not struggle and did not conduct a heroic
defence.
One difference is that there is now such a factor
as international solidarity. The indigenous population of North
America did not have strong neighbouring peoples. But the
Palestinians do. Also there is a growing understanding in all our
countries that what is happening to the Palestinians these last
sixty years could happen to any of us. As John Donne said in 1622 -
and Hemingway quoted in his novel from the war of the Spanish people
against fascism - ”never send to know for whom the bell tolls; it
tolls for thee”. Solidarity is one factor. But we all know its
limits both in our countries and among the ruling circles in the
Middle East.
Another factor is time and demography. The
indigenous population in what is now the United States was sparse;
they could be eliminated. South of the border the situation was
different. The Palestinians are many - and they multiply like the
indigenous population has done in Mexico and Bolivia. An entity such
as Israel built on a race theory is not viable in the long run. In a
hundred years - or two or three - it will crumble like the Crusader
state or the South African republic crumbled. Not in the sense that
the people living there will disappear; they will be assimilated as
the remnants of the crusaders were assimilated and as the
Afrikanders are being assimilated after their statehood vanished.
But for the moment the support for Israel in the
United Nations and the European Union seems strong. Even Sweden
co-operates militarily with Israel. But as this is against the
interest and wishes of the majority of our people, we ought to be
able to abrogate this. Thus there can be changes in European
policies, there can be changes even in Israel. After all there are
social and political contradictions in Israel that are apt to lead
to a changing situation. Nothing is certain.
The main international support for the state of
Israel comes from the United States. It is now using Israel as a
beach head. But there is no friendship, no loyalty, no love, no
eternal allies in international politics. If it would be in the
interest of the United States to switch sides in the question of
Israel - there are several possible scenarios - Israel would over
night loose that support.
- AL-INTIQAD:
How
come Japan and Germany after the Second World War, when occupied,
capitulated totally to the occupying power, offering no more
resistance, even co-operating with the occupation force. This
whereas the Moslem examples of occupied Palestine and Iraq are
showing a fierce military and ideological resistance against the
occupation power. On which grounds does this difference rest, on the
ideology of the countries occupied, on historical factors?
- JAN MYRDAL:
There is no similarity. The present
struggle against the occupation forces in Iraq, Afghanistan and
Palestine is like the struggle against the German occupiers in
Europe, against the Japanese occupiers in Korea, China, Vietnam,
Burma. That is these struggles were and are national liberation
struggles. Often complicated of course - remember that the situation
in Burma was very complicated.
- AL-INTIQAD:
But
why didn’t the people of Germany or Japan resist the occupation of
their countries?
- JAN MYRDAL:
The situation was - as I said - totally
different. The people had been harshly repressed by the Nazi and
imperial rulers. They neither wanted the Hitlerites or the imperial
rulers back. At first they thus believed the Western phrases of
democratisation. The ruling circles switched sides and thus kept
their position as rulers. If you look back you will see that it is
the same capital circles who are determining in Germany today as
during the Nazi era. In Japan too; there the West even kept the war
criminal Hirohito as an emperor. The old rulers and the occupiers
also co-operated intensively; the whole United States space program
was built by the Nazi specialists. The bacteriological warfare
capability of the United States was more than reinforced with
bacteriological experts from Japan. The United States did not - like
the Soviet Union - bring them to court; they incorporated them and
the results of their experiments (also on the tissues from Allied
POW:s).
- AL-INTIQAD:
What
is your opinion on the present war in Iraq and the present attempts
to occupy that country? What is the grand strategy in this scheme?
- JAN MYRDAL:
The United States are trying to colonise
Iraq and of course certain groups inside Iraq will collaborate with
them, because it is profitable. But they are not stupid enough not
to remember the French saying that one can use bayonets for much -
except to sit on. They will thus try to instigate the
”Balkanization” of Iraq. It is in their interest that Iraq is
divided at least into three states, maybe more. In the best of
cases, from their point of view, those three states would be in
continuous state of tension and maybe war, then their domination
would be more or less complete. Balkanization is a method to rule.
I remember when I lived in India, United States
officials we considered to be from the CIA - ”the Friends" as they
were called - used to say that India could be divided into 16
states. China divided in 6 Chinese states (which explains the
violent reaction of the Chinese government to the 1989 Tien-an-men
demonstrations) and Iran could be divided into at least 5 entities.
These United States officials called it a democratic possibility.
But in reality it was a recipe for United States domination. Divide
and rule. Create weak states. Client states.
Just now Washington is leading a new campaign
against Iran. If they can invade Iran or once more engineer an
overthrow of the Iranian government – like they organised the
overthrow of Mossadeq once upon a time – they will do it. Not for
ideals or for religion. Only for profit and oil! The reason why they
are making such a fuss about the Iranian atomic energy policy is not
just because they can fear that Iran is building an atomic bomb but
because if Iran enriches its own uranium it will have a greater
control over its own energy resources. (Compare with the situation
in Sweden!)
I and Gun Kessle lived in Iran during the time of
the Shah. We liked and respected the people and the culture but the
United States influence was very strong and the social oppression
very evident. We believed there would be a revolution at any moment.
We were not alone in believing this. Also the Swedish ambassador -
Ragnvald R:son Bagge at that time - believed so. But it took many
years before it happened. One can never predict exactly what will
happen even though one can see certain great lines, and you can also
see lines of conflicts.
- AL-INTIQAD:
Will other
regional and international powers in silence just watch the United
States implement its aggressive policies and expansionism in the
region?
- JAN MYRDAL:
Neither Russia nor China are happy about
United States military bases in Central Asia. It is once more like
when Russia and the British Empire were struggling over limiting the
other’s sphere of influence in Persia, Afghanistan and Tibet. The
empires were competing; the British at that time wanted to have the
cotton and the trade routes, and Russia wanted trade routes down to
the warm sea. This led to three British Afghan wars. The price the
Afghan people had to pay was very high but in all three wars the
British militarily lost. And at last - after the third war - the
Afghan people managed to regain its full sovereignty.
The imperial ambitions that led to the Soviet
invasion of Afghanistan and then the United States invasion are
similar. The popular struggle is also similar and I fully trust that
the end result will be similar - but the Afghan people will once
more have had to pay a high price.
But neither the tsar nor the British
King-Emperor, Bresjnev and Bush had other motives than pure greed.
The Afghans fought and the British gentlemen considered them
uncivilised and cruel - but they won their independence.
- AL-INTIQAD:
The
phenomena of Hezbollah, the phenomena of Islamic resistance in
general, how come the United States in its imperialistic ambitions
has not met such resistance before?
- JAN MYRDAL:
On Hezbollah I think that I in general
can say that it is a broad based popular movement that managed to
throw back the strong Israeli occupying army.
But there lurks a danger in your question.
Hezbollah is valiant. But it is not the first popular movement
against US imperialism. Remember the heroic Philippine armed
resistance against the US imperialism after what is called the
Spanish American war. Remember the Mexican Revolution. Remember the
heroic Korean war against US aggression. Not to speak of the
struggles of the South East Asian peoples. At certain times during
the last century the US seemed ever-victorious but during later
decades the US imperialists have several times been militarily
defeated by a people in arms!
The Second World War was both a war between
different imperial interests and of people fighting for their
independence. In Europe the Norwegians, the French resistance, the
guerrillas of Northern Italy struggled for their national liberation
as do the Palestinians, Iraqis, Afghans today.
Where there is oppression people will rise in
revolt. The ideologies will be different according to the time and
the history but if people are oppressed they will react and revolt
and their struggle will be just.
Today in many countries of the world - especially
in Asia - Moslem or Islamic ideology has become a driving force in
the popular resistance against oppression. The situation and thus
the ideologies were different for the patriots of Europe or China
during the second World War. But then as now: To revolt against
oppression is just.
I believe that you will ultimately prove
successful. Imperialism will in the long run not be able to sustain
itself. It conducts its wars on borrowed money. In the long run
theirs is a no-win situation. Though the run can be long!
- AL-INTIQAD:
You
once said in a speech that if you cannot win outright over an
occupation force, at least you should try to make the occupation
uncomfortable for the oppressor.
- JAN MYRDAL:
Yes, this is true. Let us take the reason
why it is correct to struggle in a situation where it is not
immediately profitable. You can take a simple situation from
European history; during the Second World War, you had the
”Résistance” – de Gaulle and others – in France. They struggled with
popular support but without strong military means. Then you had the
really militarily strong Allied invasion in Normandy in 1944.
The United States had already printed occupation
money for a France liberated by the Allies. France was going to
become a minor European state under United States suzerainty. Then
de Gaulle managed by nearly a ”coup” to re-establish the independent
French state when the Allies allowed him to step ashore in Normandy.
After that de Gaulle and the Communists agreed
that the population of Paris had to liberate themselves, in armed
struggle. The Americans said that it was not necessary. The Allied
armies would do it. But de Gaulle and the Communists organised the
armed rising in Paris, many people were killed. One can say that if
the Parisians had been sitting quietly on their bottoms they would
have been liberated anyway by the Americans. Thus many would have
survived. But in a subordinate France!
In the rising of 1944 many died, others were
disabled, but the French liberated Paris by themselves and went on
to fight against the German forces and France thus exists today as a
nation.
- AL-INTIQAD:
The
Palestinians are fighting for a democratic state, also the Islamists
envision that; a state with equal rights where Moslems, Christians
and Jews can live. Israel is not for a democratic state. Should this
be accepted? Should the Palestinians just capitulate to the stronger
part and accept this Apartheid state?
- JAN MYRDAL:
The decision what the Palestinian people
should do must be in the hands of the Palestinian people. They can
get support from abroad, also from us in Europe, but they have to
decide.
The demand for a democratic state with equal
rights where Moslems, Christians and Jews can live is one that
before 1948 had strong support from the circles I grew up in. It
still seems to me the only solution for a peaceful development in
the region. But how to reach that aim, to decide which struggles
that are necessary, must be for the Palestinian people to decide.
- AL-INTIQAD:
How
come it is the Islamists that today carry the torch of resistance
against the world hegemony, against different forms of domination,
imperialism and neo-colonialism?
- JAN MYRDAL:
This is an important question. The United
States imperialism has long been a direct threat to the interests of
the peoples in different parts of the world. Take the Philippines as
an example. The United States occupation was a focal point for the
anti-imperialist movement a century ago. The indigenous Christians
struggled against that. Mark Twain wrote about it (the United States
soldiers tortured Christian priests in the same horrible way they
now torture Moslems).
Now, due to a popular struggle the United States
has had to leave their bases. The struggle still goes on. It has
thus kept on for many, many generations under different slogans,
partly armed, partly political.
In Bolivia the ideologies behind the struggle for
liberation from United States imperialism have other roots. In many
parts of Latin America the Christian Liberation Theology has - as
Castro said - played a positive role against the rule of United
States imperialism. All this can be analysed just as the behaviour
of the different classes in society can be analysed. In many
countries in what is called the Third World the middle class, the
”bourgeoisie”, they too want to have independence. So it is a very
complicated situation.
It is evident that Moslem - Islamist if you want
to express it that way - groups have taken the lead in large areas
of the world. To a large part it is because important segments of
the intellectual Left decayed as revolutionaries (their social
background was often from the middle classes), became co-opted to
the Compradore class and lost their legitimacy as representatives of
the oppressed masses. But remember that the present Islamist
movements conduct the struggle against United States imperialism for
religious reasons. That has to be understood.
I’m of course not a Moslem and I’m not religious
but I am not a liberal. I see religion as a very real and important
force in society. If you go to Swedish history, you will note that
the first popular democratic movements in the early 19th century
were religious; Christian.
As I pointed out in Jordan, the whole structure
of Swedish ”Folkrörelser”, i.e. ”Popular Movements”, that have
shaped modern Sweden, also the Labour movement, was formed by these
religious movements of the early 19th century. Most Swedes don’t
realise this today, but that’s another thing.
If you go back still further, to the period of
the large peasant struggles in the 15th, 16th centuries, you will
see that they were successful in Sweden, Switzerland and Northern
Finland. That made our countries somewhat different from the rest of
Europe.
But in Germany the peasant wars were religious
movements. Take a great historical figure and democratic martyr like
Thomas Müntzer; he was a leader of the peasant revolution. But he
was so as a religious teacher. His translation of the Bible was of
importance, it was there he found his truth which drove him to lead
a revolution. If I had been suddenly transferred to the 16th century
and gone up to Müntzer and said; ”Dear friend, I know that you are a
peasant revolutionary”, he would have looked at me and said; ”No,
no, no. I’m fighting for God!”
I want you as Moslems to understand that from the
outside - as a non-Moslem - I can se the role of an organisation
like Hezbollah as mainly anti-imperialist. I can say that this is an
objective reality. But I know and respect that the motivation for
the anti-imperialist stance of Hezbollah is religious; the Divine
Word. To say this is not to denigrate religion in any way.
- AL-INTIQAD:
The
Zionists demand a humiliating capitulation for the Palestinians,
Iraqis, Lebanese and the Afghans. To just capitulate and share the
same fate as the North American native Indians – will not such a
capitulation just give birth to even larger conflicts and wars?
- JAN MYRDAL:
I don’t think the question of
capitulation exists. It is not an option. You can say that many of
the feudal rulers in India in the 18th, 19th centuries accepted the
British rule. In the official propaganda the British ruled
peacefully until they left India out of their own will. But that is
a lie!
First the British got the big war of 1857– the
First War of Independence – they struck back with sadistic
mass-violence. Then there was a continuous popular struggle against
British Imperialism. Gandhi was a very great historical figure. But
the struggle of the Indian people was conducted by all methods -
peaceful and violent. My first father-in-law was what the British
seventy-five years ago called a ”Bengal Terrorist” and he had much
to tell. Then in 1942 the ”Quit India” Movement was both strong and
extremely violent. And why did the British five years later have to
leave India, the ”Crown Jewel” of their empire? Because:
a) they had lost their investments during the
Second World War,
b) in the Bombay Mutiny their fleet rose against
them,
c) they had lost the control over their army.
They were not able to sentence even the leaders of the Indian
National Army that Subhas Chandra Bose - Netaji - had led in war
against them. The British were not able to keep India without a
bloody war - that they would lose.
But why did not the German people rise against
Hitler? The reason is the same as why the British people did not
rise against the empire builders or why only a fraction of the
people in the United States rise against Bush and his imperial wars.
It is a simple one; the German population had the best living
standards in Europe during the Second World War. As the Nazi regime
robbed all of occupied Europe and gave a small share of the plunder
to the German people their protests against Hitler were muted. When
it pours on the hen, it drips on the chicken!
Hezbollah like the Afghans and the Palestinians
and the Chinese, Koreans, Indians and all others before them, can
not put their trust in a change of heart among the oppressors and
their kin.
The imperialists can give their own population
certain benefits of imperial rule. As long as they do that they have
a certain support. When the war goes bad, when, like during the
Vietnam war the losses become too great, then the imperialists can
be forced to retreat.
What will happen in Iraq? It depends partly on
how great the losses - in men and dollars - for the United States
will be. You could say that every dead GI increases the possibility
of a retreat. But first they will try to get their willing allies do
the dirty work (see Afghanistan). At the same time the United States
will try to Balkanize, incite one group against another; if they can
achieve a civil war between different groups among the people of
Iraq, then the US could continue making profits and their troops
could stay in their cantonments for a long time to come.
Mao, who was a clever politician, said that
imperialism is a paper tiger, but one with real claws. One thing is
to say that the United States domination is doomed, no tree grows up
into heaven. Or to look to the economic side; an empire like the
United States that lives on borrowed money will crash sooner or
later. One day China or Saudi Arabia or Japan will have to refuse to
take paper currency without real value. As yet they are afraid to
make the international monetary house of cards tumble down. But
sooner or later they will have to, to protect their own interests.
But to wait for that can be a long wait.
Take the experience of my generation in Europe
during the Second World War. We knew from December 1941, when Hitler
could not take Moscow and had to retreat, that the Third Reich was
doomed – but it took a long time, many years and millions of dead
before the end came.
- AL-INTIQAD:
The
conflict is no more between Israel and Palestine, the wars that are
being prepared against Syria, Iran and Lebanon have their basis in
the fact that they support the resistance of the Palestinians and
the Hezbollah. What are your views on these coming conflicts?
- JAN MYRDAL:
The United States is forced by the very
momentum of the struggle for energy resources and military bases to
protect these, to continue the wars. On the other hand their
military resources and their monetary base is already getting
strained. It is touch and go. Which way the cat will jump is not
self evident.
If the United States can blackmail the European
Union to become a willing supporter it is of course possible that it
extends the armed conflict to Iran and/or Syria. But it is easier to
start a war than to end it.
I think they might be a little careful before
they start a new war. They made a mistake in Iraq. They could tumble
Saddam Hussein, but they have not been able to achieve a victory. If
they extend the war certain people will get very rich in the United
States, the Halliburton crowd, oil companies and armament industry,
but many in the United States, among the pro-imperialists too, are
already uneasy. This seems not the best way to secure profits. Also
their present policies lead to ever increasing contradictions
between the United States and powers like Russia, and China. Even
those states of the European Union that recently behaved as servile
client states are getting un-easy.
What we can do in our countries that is of course
to increase the knowledge of this, to increase the solidarity,
strengthen the Anti-war Movement.
- AL-INTIQAD:
You
have civil courage and say what most people dare not. Your
engagement in these issues gives the Palestinians and other
oppressed peoples hope. How come you are so engaged in these issues,
and can you really work freely, or are they trying to restrain and
censor your work?
- JAN MYRDAL:
I might be stubborn. That is all. Like
many in my generation in Europe I had to take a stand as a young man
- a boy you could say - during the Second World War. Thus I had the
good fortune to be branded as a ”red” by the Swedish Security Police
(and the United States embassy) even before I was eighteen; this
effectually stopped me from becoming a normal loyal and serving
European intellectual - even if I had wished to be one. (Which I did
not!)
What then happened was that I and my wife
travelled and lived during several years from the fifties onwards in
Asia - Iran, Afghanistan, India, China, Burma, the then Soviet
Central Asia and later on in Cambodia, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and North
Africa - and as you can see from what we published our perspectives
changed. Our book on Afghanistan from 1960 has now had its sixth
edition in Sweden and has been of a certain value in creating
solidarity with the Afghan people.
In certain periods - like the McCarthy years that
also in Sweden were difficult - I had to be careful in order to get
printed at all, not that I lied but I had to write in an ”esopian”
manner. In other periods it has been easier. And Sweden has been one
of the more open societies in Europe. I have only been brought to
court once for not being careful enough in my choice of words. And
we won against the government.
Of course it is possible to make a career in
Sweden as in other countries by keeping your words in check. But it
is not very fun. Presently for me it is very simple; when you
approach 80 years of age and have a certain position there is not
much they can do. Not that they do not try.
Four times they tried to throw me out of the
Swedish PEN-club, the association of well tempered writers. But they
were not successful. In the end I did not care and just stopped
paying membership dues.
- AL-INTIQAD:
Do
you think that with the help of the Internet there has been a
democratisation of the media, that via the Internet you also can
spread the message? Will it break the monopolisation of information
of the mainstream media?
- JAN MYRDAL:
It is possible to use the Internet, but
it is extremely difficult to know what is true and what is not true
on the Net. I was checking something on the Net the other day.
Suddenly I found a serious article stating that my parents had been
Nazi agents and that I had written so! It is not only a lie, it is
an idiotic lie. But someone might believe it.
When it comes to printed matter, you know that to
fake a book is extremely difficult. You can check when was it
printed, where was it printed. But on the Net you can never really
check the validity of the statements. But of course I use it. With
great care.
- AL-INTIQAD:
Does
democracy in Sweden work today?
- JAN MYRDAL:
”Democracy” is a dangerous word. It can
be used to stand for anything. You have the democracy of ancient
Athens where nine tenths of the population were slaves. At the same
time we know what we mean by it.
Sweden is a country where there are large areas
of independence and free speech. We also have traditions going back
to our successful peasant wars of the Fifteenth century that still
are of importance. But of course it would be untrue to say that
people can decide. If we with a majority of 90% would decide
policies against unemployment, for better care of the aged, for
better health care that go outside the cold market rules our
decision would be null and void because it goes against the rules of
the European Union.
Do I like that? No!
- AL-INTIQAD:
Is
the regime in Sweden representative and legitimate, or is there a
gap between the rulers and the people?
- JAN MYRDAL:
The Swedish democracy has been developed
in a plebiscitarian way, a little like Napoleon III, i.e. the
elections are no real elections any longer but plebiscites. The
choice stands between different shades of yes; between different
state financed groupings. (Even for the former Communist party -
”Vänsterpartiet” - the Party of the Left - contributions from
members and sympathisers only constitute 5% of the party finances.)
Remember that the population of France voted for Napoleon III, in
the formally correct plebiscite before the war 1870. But as you can
see from history - that says very little about the political
sentiments of the French people at the time.
You can’t have a Swedish government sitting
directly against the will of the people. On the other hand the
government is since many years mainly a bureaucratic structure
defined by market economy laws. The parties are politically very
weak state funded structures with fewer and fewer members. Already
some years ago, I heard a leading Social Democrat say that the
Social Democratic Youth Movement is no movement, it is a queue – to
get posts.
- AL-INTIQAD:
You
have called the present Swedish Prime Minister Göran Persson a”municipal
politician”.
Could you explain this?
- JAN MYRDAL:
A municipal politician in Sweden can be
honest as such honesty goes he can try to do the best of the
situation. But what he can do is always prescribed from above, by
the rules of the game. Göran Persson is not a man with great
visions. He has also unfortunately got a hang up on Israel. That
makes him differ from a predecessor like Olof Palme.
But this leads me to something that can explain
Sweden:
Olof Palme was internationally important and
interesting as a politician. Not that he and I always agreed. But he
had a vision. But when you speak about Olof Palme and Sweden you
have to remember three facts:
1) we all know that Olof Palme is dead,
2) we all know that he was murdered,
3) we also all know that there was no real police
investigation.
After that we know nothing. Every explanation is
a hypothesis. But that is not unique in Sweden. The greatest
catastrophe in recent decades occurred the night of September 27
1994 when the m/s Estonia sank during a storm in the Baltic Sea and
859 lives were lost.
We know that Estonia sank.
We know that 859 persons died.
We know that the governments of Estonia, Finland
and Sweden decided not to make any real investigation and to forbid
any examination of the wreck. Anyone who tries will be liable to
prosecution.
Why they reached that strange decision we do not
know. Also this is Sweden! As Sweden is a free country there are
meters and meters of books in the libraries and book-shops giving
different speculative answers to both these mysteries. But the
authorities have closed the door on any real knowledge either on the
murder of Olof Palme or the sinking of Estonia. As far as I
understand for reasons of state.
- AL-INTIQAD:
If
you were a leader of Hamas or the Hezbollah, how would you act?
- JAN MYRDAL:
That is a very hypothetical question. Of
course I feel that the victory of Hamas is important but:
a) I’m a Swede sitting in Sweden, I’m not a
Palestinian. I have no real knowledge.
b) It is not for me - or anybody outside
Palestine to give that kind of advice.
This is a matter of principle. If Hamas is a true
representative of the Palestinian people they have to answer to the
Palestinian people and not to well wishers from this or that
continent however friendly! Still less of course to politicians in
Israel, the United States or the European Union or even the United
Nations!
The same goes for Hezbollah.
The question of international solidarity is in
fact very simple. We formulated it during the war against US
aggression in South East Asia:
- Support the Liberation front on their own conditions!
This is a principle valid for our period. We must
remember that this is a long historical period. Imperialism and its
genocidal politics began a hundred years before I was born, I’m now
79, I will be 80 next summer. If I said that I hoped to see a
decisive popular victory in my time I would be stupid. My
grandchildren are around 30. When their great grand-children
approach my present age it might be that they will se the end of
this evil age!
February 3, 2006
Jan Myrdal
Address: Östra Björkviken,
SE-739 91 Skinnskatteberg,
Sweden, E-mail:
myrdal@myrdal.pp.se |