"The King of
the Poor"
The young monarch, Mohammad VI, is highly admired by
Moroccan young people, who regard him as a friend, a symbol
of liberation and a promise for a better future. During the
first weeks of his reign, and wherever his inaugural
campaign took him, the young king is greeted with genuine
and youthful enthusiasm.
The Makhzen machinery, which organised the funeral of the
late Hassan II, plays a full role to present to the crowd
overcome with cheers a young man having great presence,
smiling and gesturing benevolently to the warm welcome of
the public.
Extravaganza of antique coach and horses with golden
hoofs! Euphoria of festivities surrounded by the modern
motorcade! Spirited enthusiasm displayed by the crowds of
people aligned all along avenues hastily painted anew for
the occasion. And this makes at least a great impression on
television screens!
A successful performance is the Moroccan-style state show
made more attractive with pomp and ceremony! An old
tradition which skilfully plays with symbols and
attributes!
It is youthful and hopeful! The heavy darkness of a
gloomy period seems to have cleared the way for the shining
of a new dawn. It is the magic first light of a long-awaited
spring!
How beautiful are the generously dispensed promises!
However, beware of disillusionment if, after the honeymoon,
the harsh realities remind the enchanted youth, lulled by
romantic promises, of its unenviable lot. Once parades and
cavalcades over, winged poetry will give way to the base
prose of unemployment and destitution.
The public image and goodwill of the new symbolic
authority could well be betrayed by socio-economic
restraints. Let alone some influential vultures who wait for
the right moment to defend their privileges and maintain
political circumstances favouring stagnation. Lurking behind
the scenes, the corrupted and corrupting agents, skilled in
the art of disguising the truth and promoting falsehood,
will attempt to counter Morocco's young great hopes.
We cannot expect to counterbalance sly old foxes with
innocent goodwill. We cannot pretend to open a new page by
ingenuously establishing public relations with a generation
prostrate with despair. We can no longer impress world
attention while Morocco is on a knife-edge. Has the
countdown not already started?
First rescue operations
We content ourselves with fine words and attractive
pictures to forget and make people forget the hideous image
of a disgraceful past.
The new king's young advisers seemingly want to ward off
Moroccan malaise with media incantation: why not put on a
show and dispense smiles if we cannot afford food and
jobs?
The young entourage thinks it can easily erase from
people's minds the evil memory of the period in which
Tazmamart torturers ruled supreme. It helplessly endeavours
to adorn the time where Hassan's "demoncracy" swore that the
elections had never been falsified, that the government of
the country was done with devotion and loyalty and that
"l'alternance consensuelle" (the alleged consensual
changeover of political power) was and still is an
appreciable asset highly advocated by democracy.
The young who acclaim Mohammed VI have turned away
definitely from a political community conspiring willy-nilly
with the old Makhzen, which betrayed the principles of
paraded Islam. They have equally turned aside from Hassan's
democracy, drained of its substance and fashioned in the
style of a certain despotism fearing neither God nor
man.
The young advisers are fully aware of the lack of points
of reference and of the identity gap felt by the boat people
generation, which flees from poverty-stricken Morocco to the
lot that we all know. They would combine outdated and modern
slogans to make those who have lost confidence in everybody
adopt an alternative credo. The national anthem and the red
flag at school would implant the feeling of loyalty in
tender hearts. Solidarity campaigns and the five-dirham
badges would establish the new "culture of public charity".
Engaging with one's hand on one's heart in morning greetings
before the national flag, and singing at the top of one's
voice the national anthem will, helped on by destitution,
soon discredit the new fetishism. Changing the ideological
paraphernalia could never breathe into Moroccans a new
spirit that will set them in motion and reassure them about
their future. The annual periodic charity shows have become
a tradition which is now putting down roots in the Makhzen's
agenda with the view to normalise relations with
beggary.
Who do you think are you deluding? Are you trying to take
for a ride the young desperados who sell their scanty family
possessions to be sent to kingdom come on Tangier's jury
feluccas?
Those who lack sound principles and strong will search
for second-hand points of reference in the ready-to-wear
slogan market. Go on and satisfy the hunger of the famished
people by endless fairy tales! Paint in glowing colours to
the thirsty horde the mirage of a hospitable oasis in the
desert of false promises! Disillusion will only be greater
and the consequences more disastrous.
Heavy burden
Apparently, we have well started when we have pinned all
our hopes on the new star on stage. However, on the frail
shoulders of the former crown prince, innocent of former
crimes, are suddenly piling up huge responsibilities the
most urgent of which is to clean the Augean stables and
clear the political and administrative scene, infested with
souls wallowing in vice and devoted to Satan. A victim among
the victims of yesterday, there he is today assigned to take
the responsibility of saving the country from a looming
disaster.
Everybody, even among remotely alert observers, knows
that the whole system is in decline. The "gallant manners"
by which the Palace attempts to confirm its authority when
doing justice to an oppressed person here and delivering a
well-structured speech there do not suffice to remedy a
difficult situation. Police repression or bombastic speeches
before hordes of sycophants, accomplices in the criminal
operation of deceiving whole generations, have unfortunately
become outmoded policies. Hoaxed a long time by the
universal consensus of a community of political schemers,
the illiterate people wait today for action. Idle and taking
drugs to flee the ungrateful society or to avoid seeing a
future without prospects, young people today want jobs and a
place in the sun.
What should the young Mohammed VI do, he who is extremely
and generously popular in the eyes of his generation? What
can the Prince Charming do to come up through concrete and
decisive action to the expectations of the young and the
poor people? What can he do to establish his authority and
strengthen his position?
To start the profound change which the country hopes and
prays for, the "King of the Poor", a majestic title indeed,
must mark a decisive break with the past. He needs to
acquire through virile and loyal action the status of a
leader who is up to the expectations which his accession to
the throne has aroused among the young people. Indeed, he
saw and felt the warm reception Moroccans gave him
throughout the country.
Should the young king act to deserve the moral crown and
assert his authority? Can he do? What to do?
Either the sovereign takes his courage in both hands and
charges at obstacles with the dauntless will of
distinguished leaders or he will vegetate in the vague
desires of pusillanimous hearts. Either he proves his
courage and resolution without which Makhzen routine and
easy solutions will dampen the enthusiasm of warm
inaugurations, or the pure-bred will stumble before
obstacles and, by retreating, will meet the atrocious fate
of missed opportunities with history.
Sacred duty
Gentle reader, my friend! Brothers and sisters! Those who
share with me the pain to see our country at the brink of
the precipice while flatterers are rejoicing! Sincere and
honest people! Upright and courageous intellectuals who sing
the honeyed melody in unison with the sycophants! Carry on
regardless of my steep pen and listen with your conscience
to my sore words!
Prostration before what is going on and the disastrous
statistics which make Morocco lag behind nations cannot be
revealed and censured by blunted words, cold and dull
expressions and a numb style. My words are heightened,
perhaps clumsy and probably shocking and "politically
incorrect". But the noble cause, for which any free citizen
filled with a lofty ideal campaigns, demands a minimum of
candour and mere intellectual honesty to disclose the
concealed facts and awaken languid consciences. Is it not
our duty, as citizens concerned about the future of their
country, to denounce fraud and criminals? Does the young
king not need to hear sincere voices before proclivity to
self-importance and arrogance turns the flattered prince
into a ruthless tyrant? Does Morocco, now a backward nation,
not deserve our solicitude?
Keep on creeping on your fours, you sluggish cowards!
Applaud the fairground attraction, you indifferent
onlookers!
As for you, honest men and women, you have your say and
your message to convey. Proclaim your message and snap your
fingers at politician mediocrity which regards as
impertinent and offensive any word that trespasses upon the
sacred area of consensus servility, especially if uttered by
a bearded Muslim or a veiled Muslim woman.
Topical issues
Poor young king! He has a heavy burden on the back!
What does the young king, newcomer to office, want to do?
What can he do? What will he dare undertake? Will he be
obsessed by careerists' flattery? Will he be enchanted by
the lure of power? Will the centrifugal forces and social
segregation further widen the gap dividing Moroccans into
several categories? Will the distrust felt by the people of
the political elite spread to minds over the new figure whom
the helpless young hopefully regard as a saviour? What can a
novice king do, he who is overwhelmed with so many concerns
and bombarded all over with questions?
Nothing if he is lulled by the sirens' song and entrusts
the improvised changeover with the task of changing the
course of events.
A lot if he proves his courage and resolution and shows
by action that the new leader is not a spineless character
and a puppet in the hands of the shrewd and scheming figures
of the Palace.
It's time we discarded the Alaouit's ancestral
megalomania and munificence (the famous nakhwa). It's time
we talked of concrete figures and the actual state of the
household.
Morocco is known to be a happy family under the care of
"a wise, compassionate and thoughtful father". For a long
time, the well-orchestrated Makhzen propaganda has presented
each day fallacious arguments and forged pictures to the
effect that Morocco is more prosperous than ever. To the
miserable members of the Moroccan family, we have promised
for four decades milk and honey. Before the peaceful people,
we have presented troublemakers as enemies. Formerly, the
rabble-rousers were of the left wing; today it is the
Islamists.
The happy family knew great moments in its history like
the time of the firm-handed rule of men like Oufkir, the
post-Oufkir Tazmamart, the missing persons and iniquitous
trials whose outcome and sentence are known in advance.
Morocco of daddy knew so disgraceful a human rights'
record. The national situation and international pressures
could no longer tolerate undeserved favours and the horrible
fate prepared for the (quick-tempered) sons and daughters of
the Moroccan family guided by the affectionate father of the
Nation.
Backed by the police firm hand and in the absence of any
control, the looters protected by the supreme authority
really went to town and amassed huge fortunes. The motto
was: you are supporter of the regime, then you do not run
the risk of prosecution and you will have all rights
conferred upon you!
For the (beloved) members of the family-the helpless and
the rejects- the conjurer had more than one trick up his
sleeve to dazzle the audience and dodge problems.
Urgent priorities
Our nice sovereign, who should not be intoxicated by the
passing fancy, is left with a legacy of total chaos: utter
destitution for most people and indulgent luxury for some,
corruption as a means for government and election rigging as
democratic institution and practice.
In short, the system got in the end bogged down in a
muddle and forced into looking for a way out. "L'alternance
consensuelle" and the "gentlemen's agreement" have long been
negotiated, concocted and finally clinched. It is a shady
business- however let us not dwell on it.
The promising young king is not liable for the crimes of
others. He is imbued with compassion for the
underprivileged. This can be seen in his modesty and the
reception he used to give, when then crown prince, the crowd
of beggars who assailed his residence and still do as a
result of destitution occasioned by social injustice or
rather the absence of justice. Today the kind-hearted
prince, now flattered and envied king, should give impetus
to the machine and re-forge social relations.
The king should excel himself; otherwise, it will be
futile to wait for significant and permanent results. What
is needed is effective action that would change the method
of government and establish real justice, sensible education
and social justice which would abolish privileges and bridge
the wide gap between the haves and the have-nots. Boosting
the economy and improving the employment situation by
productive investment are urgent needs as well.
Events should be given a new dimension. Already, the new
style of the young Mohammed VI is a forward step in this
respect. Yet the arm to stimulate Morocco's potential needs
strength, the charitable soul moral resource and the
burgeoning will lofty ambition and spiritual lever.
The whole system should be questioned. The train should
be put back on the rails with a new engine and a vigorous
hand. Why? Because behind the beautiful façade, the
building is shaky and in danger of falling down. Hence the
urgent need for significant and efficient intervention to
prepare the country to deal with two critical and
frightening issues: the question of the Western Sahara and
the world market in a ten years' time.
The issue of the Western Sahara is a litigious legacy of
the past reign and the contemptuous prestige policy. Our
Western Saharan brothers are divided between two
choices:
- A rigid king who commands them to prostrate themselves
before him according to the abominable tradition of the
Makhzen Baï'a- a ridiculous ceremony of allegiance
which has nothing to do with the solemn Islamic pact by
virtue of which the free people pass a vote of confidence in
the freely chosen authority.
From a mutually binding contract, the Baï'a changed
in the course of the tormented and eventful Muslim history
into a ludicrous travesty.
Noble and independent people, the Western Saharans were
suddenly subjected to the Makhzen ceremonial. And we have
all seen on the television the noble figures of the tribal
chiefs bowing before the haughty majesty. What a
humiliation! What a blow to the pride of a population very
devoted to Islam!
- The other choice is the indoctrinating armed gangs who
talk to them about dignity. Are they going to vote one day
for unified and truly Muslim Morocco, a country to be
rethought and rebuilt? Or are they going to draw the lesson
from the past humiliation and the savage repression of which
they were victims just recently and choose dignity and
freedom under another banner?
The billions of dirhams spent on the brand-new modern
estates built on the desert sands have only impoverished
Morocco and aggravated its debt. The haughty prestige policy
has only established rupture between two fractions of the
same nation.
How urgent is the need to reconsider our adherence to
Islam, loudly proclaimed but slyly betrayed!
As far as we are concerned, our stance is loud and clear:
we are for the unity of the Muslim peoples throughout the
criminal borders inherited from our past and present
history.
As for the urgent need to avoid the open market's blade,
it will become apparent through a glance at statistics over
the place of Morocco on the world scene.
We remain rather vague when we talk about principles
only. When not having a particular objective set by an
upright conscience, principles tend to be rather evanescent.
Hence the necessity to state some figures to visualise the
gravity of the situation and the exceptional effort and
dauntless will required to overcome the obstacles standing
in the way of any attempted change.
I am not spreading doom and gloom out of overcautiousness
before the present and predictable threats. Rather, I am
prompted by the duty of exhorting to good and warning
against evil which Islam requires of any Muslim.
For a long time, precisely for a quarter of century, we
have condemned dictatorial methods which make the man at the
top assume the right to rule on his own pleasure and to
order, know and possess everything.
The granted and periodically updated constitution is the
modern expression of the imperial firman: the noble blood
which runs in my veins grants me the exclusive right to hold
people's destiny in my hand.
Alarming figures
Here is the result in figures of the brilliant method:
United Nations statistics rank countries according to their
rate of human development. Morocco is rated 125, far behind
neighbouring countries such as Tunisia and Algeria. Good
results!
12 million of Moroccans live below the poverty line i.e.,
with less than 10 dirhams ($ 1.00) per day.
Almost three quarters of Moroccans earn less than the
guaranteed minimum wage i.e., 1,600 dirhams ($ 160) per
month.
Shanty towns are the usual settlement, and have become
commonplace, for an increasing number of Moroccans.
Salaries in Europe range between 1 and 10 or less. In
Morocco they vary from 1 to 1000.
23% of Moroccans in the prime of life are unemployed. Let
alone disguised unemployment which would uncover a
frightening figure. Young people take drugs to forget, or
"burn" to flee the unbearable destitution. To "burn" in the
Moroccan jargon means to stow away for a painfully hot or a
deadly cold destiny.
More than 100,000 holders of higher education diplomas
(physicians, engineers, teachers, and quality technicians)
brood over their helplessness and deception in the local
café or demonstrate in the streets of the
capital.
53% of Moroccans (official figure) are illiterate and fit
to be taken for a ride by official propaganda or political
party one-upmanship. It is edifying in this respect to look
at how the elections go in our country: The poverty of the
electors combines with dishonesty of the "elected
representatives" and the complicity of the corrupted civil
service to turn our elections into a tragic farce.
From corruption to
globalisation
Corruption no longer shocks any conscience. Corruption
has become a lifestyle. From the "humble" civil servant to
the figures in the higher echelons of power, everybody holds
out the hand. All services have a price list: from the
ten-dirham red note, to the filled envelope and up to the
cheque transferred into Swiss bank accounts.
This being the case, we should not be surprised if
foreign investors do not venture into Morocco, especially
that the judicial apparatus is notoriously known as venal.
Before courts, brokers negotiate impudently the outcome of
proceedings as if it were a matter of purchasing cattle in
the souk.
If we add to this the evils poisoning our civil service-
slow administrative procedures and prevarication of
employees or section heads who wait to have their palm oiled
to move- we will understand why the much needed investors
avoid Morocco. In Western Europe, you just need three or
four hours to have your papers signed. In our brilliant
country, it takes months if not years. Until the mediator
close to the regime is satisfied with the amount of his
shares in your company, keep waiting. Until you run out of
honesty, you will be going round offices. How can we enter
the world market with such handicaps? Is it not a matter of
life or death for Morocco!
And what about drugs?
How can we face globalisation knocking at the door (if
not already at home) with young drug addicts? Here is
another critical issue. Let us talk now about drugs in
Morocco. The dilemma of drugs is not likely to be solved so
long as the corruption of the system, the greediness of drug
magnates and the dependence of Northern provinces fellahs on
cannabis prompt one another to produce and market this stuff
which is now attracting increasing local clientele. Not long
ago, the European media denounced the shameless involvement
of great figures very very close to the regime in drug
trafficking. Decency has never been the outstanding virtue
of corrupted powers!
I report here data and statistics which are gleaned from
the Western media. In view of the alleged " openness" in our
country, we are compelled to listen to what free and
well-informed nations say about us. How to check and control
information? How to know the truth from a muzzled press and
in the presence of delusive official propaganda?
Why quote in the first place foreign newspapers and
publications which have never been " tactful" with the late
king? (I am not talking about hired rags). Because
despicable and outrageous events reported by reliable organs
arouse disgust. I am not reporting such data and statistics
with the intention of feeding depraved and astounding
figures to the public. The dead are dead and it is for God
to judge them. But the living suffer for generations on
account of the wrongdoing of the deceased.
Having no access to free sources of truthful information,
the people should know everything to cure once for all of
subjection to dictatorship. Aware and well informed about
the crimes which tyranny can perpetrate, the people should
as well reject tyrants and liberate themselves of their yoke
according to the sacred principles of Islam.
The Saint Prophet- Peace be upon him- warned us against
mordacious tyrants. The word " 'aad" (mordacious) expresses
accurately the insatiable tyranny which wolfs people and
possessions down like sandwiches.
Echoing with a sharp style disgraceful information about
our rulers is by no means a settling of scores. Only a
coward would wish to take posthumous revenge on cold
corpses. Yet the living should draw lessons from the dead
and the truth should be sought and loudly proclaimed.
Deplorable facts
Let those God-fearless souls trembling with fear before
creatures hide their face and put their hands over their
ears.
To the distinguished souls, and I hope Mohammed VI is
one, the truth should be served forthright and unadorned.
Liars, hypocrites, people who do not fear God and have no
faith in Him and in the Hereafter are like human worms
wrapped up in the cobweb of their mean concerns .They are
tied up in a bundle in their insignificant daily round.
Hassan II shall be tried, and so shall Mohammed VI (and
we as well) , by the Supreme Judge, Who will ask them about
the wall of disgrace built and maintained between a
destitute majority and a handful of opportunists.
All mysteries are unravelled in the end. Only the
illiterate people worried about the daily bread do not know
what is happening in Morocco. Foreign newspapers and
publications continually expose the systematic plundering of
Moroccan resources by Moroccan authorities. In this regard,
the ONA, the famous tentacular company owned by the late
king- may God have mercy on him- (he really needs it there
where he is), was and still is a considerable part of
Hassan's wealth. The privileges conferred upon this gigantic
organ have turned it into a monstrous leech that sucks
astronomical profits into the accounts of the deceased
majesty.
Everything in Morocco belongs more or less to the monster
ONA, and therefore to the king. This considerable part of
wealth amassed during four decades has passed along with the
rest of the deceased's huge possessions to the royal heirs.
The size of the packet ( pardon my coarseness) will put
everybody in an awkward position, especially Mohammed VI,
the day when the people deprived of their possessions will
break their silence and ask the living about the dead.
A tip of the iceberg of the royal possessions reportedly
estimated at some 40 or 50 billions of dollars, ONA still
dominates the country's economy. The dead king- may God
forgive him- derisively prided himself on being a modest
fellah.
Nothing escaped the royal greedy attention: agriculture,
food-processing industry, the tourist trade and luxury
hotels where the guests of our dear king were received.
These were next to nothing before the fabulous wealth
comprising, among others, banking, insurance business, sugar
houses and refineries, oil industry, financial engineering,
state-owned and mining companies, a financial conglomerate
enjoying incredible privileges, fishing, chemical industry,
printing, transport and textile industry.
The fantastic benefits of the king (on a national scale
as the huge revenues of the royal possessions have chosen
foreign residence) were hidden away from inquisitive eyes.
Poor fellah! Soon as his megalomania ordered him to build
one of the world biggest and opulent mosques, he mobilised
the authorities to divest the real fellahs of their scanty
possessions. Daylight robbery! Behind the scenes or in
public, the "democratic and constitutional state" showed no
reservation as to performing its "duties".
Gothic gardens
The king- may God have mercy on him- had private secrets,
a " jardin secret", as he used to call it, which he reserved
the right to grow in private. In fact, he had by way of
gardens private cemeteries where lie the "undesirable
subjects " among his servants. He had sinister places where
are walled up alive the survivors of "mysterious"
assassinations and those who were spared by firing squads.
Gothic gardens of a two-faced landlord!
The royal accounts in foreign banks are opened under
secret numbers or fictitious names. The royal investments
abroad are countless and beyond the control of the former
owner himself, who did not know how many firms and castles
he owned. Let alone his many shares in the stock market and
the property business.
Such accumulated wealth is beyond all comprehension. In
1994, l'Observatoire géopolitique des drogues (
research institute on drug trafficking) published a
confidential report in which some close relations of the
dead sovereign were mentioned by name. The deceased king
himself was not spared.
How to know and control? Why should we know? Why should
we talk about these things today? Are reliable foreign
organisations writing libellous things? Or is it the
truth?
Mysterious affairs are concealed in this deluded country.
On the other hand, we would protest against the scraps of
truth published abroad and swear that Hassan's democracy is
the paragon of openness.
A wall of silence surrounded the country until the day
when the long denied Tazmamzart was at last admitted. The
harrowing accounts of the former tenants of this nightmarish
house disclose the shocking secrets of " le jardin secret du
roi ".
The distance between the truth and falsehood is as long
and wide as the gap that separates poor Morocco from a gang
of looters acting under the aegis of the late king.
The devastated Moroccan economy neighbours royal palaces
which the young king is reported to have bravely evacuated
of a horde of servants always ready to receive the dead
monarch lest they be dismissed by a cruel boss, so pleasant
and generous with his distinguished guests.
Dear readers, brothers and sisters who read me! Let not
my harsh words and vehement language make you think that
what prompted my criticism is long harboured bitterness! It
is rather the pain to see Islam scorned, the truth disguised
and my country fooled and looted.
As God is my witness, I wish eternal salvation to the
deceased. However to spare Morocco a tragic end and to draw
lessons for the future, we must make things clear for the
long offended and long fooled living. Let us talk of lessons
and wisdom to the crown prince, who has suddenly become king
after the death of a poor Muslim sinner. Let us talk to him
about the past, the future and eternity to see if he has the
makings of an innovator or he is like father like son.
Death of a "man"
Hassan II loved to converse with his close friends about
the first lesson that he learnt after the death of his
father Mohammed V- may God have mercy on both. At the prayer
for the dead, when the corpse of the late king was stretched
out before the audience, the prayer was announced to be for
" a man"! A simple man with no honorifics! On the way to the
late king's grave, people, still very touched as mortals,
were compelled to imagine their own real destiny: death.
Had Hassan II, shaken for a while by the moving show of
an admired hero, forgotten the warning of his father's
funeral?
Why do we turn away from the inevitable end that awaits
us all, we travellers on earth ultimately " men" wrapped up
in a shroud?
Non-believers have settled the issue of death and
conceived themselves as futile animals. For them, death is
the ultimate tragedy which they have to forget to enjoy the
pleasures of life. They would take physical or moral drugs
to forget the absurdity of life and chase away the haunting
image of death and rotten corpses. They would survive in
human memory through works of art, unprecedented feats,
scientific breakthroughs, memorable monuments, charitable
organisations etc. As for us Muslims, we have faith in God
and in the Message of his last Messenger, the Saint Prophet
Mohammad- peace be upon him. Recollection of death and the
image of the "man" that we shall all become one day should
therefore accompany us from dawn to sunset, especially
during our prayers. All this so as not to forget the
realities of life after death: resurrection, the accounts to
be given before God about our deeds in the life here below,
the sentence of the Supreme Judge, the march of the
righteous to their eternal home (Paradise) and the escort
leading the unbelievers and hypocrites to the gaps of
Hell.
Poor cultured or acculturated modern man! Talking of
death for him is a symptom of pathological obsessive fear
requiring placement in a mental home!
Poor "men"! (Be they kings or mere mortals). They forgot
the lesson they used to take pleasure in telling their close
friends!
Alas for us, we all "Muslims"! We have forgotten faith!
We have rejected faith! We have betrayed faith! We delude
ourselves and behave as if we were everlasting creatures!
What a pity!
Poor Hassan II! Instead of behaving like a mortal
concerned with his Destiny after death, he allowed himself
to be carried away by the pleasures and fancies of life:
youth, wealth, health and prestige.
Lessons of history … lessons of
piety
O ingenuous soul! O king heir of a king! O "man" son of a
"man" who shall die sooner or later!
Had Hassan II been of the common run of people, he would
have deserved our compassion and comprehension, we mortal
sinners beseeching God's Compassion and Mercy. But he was a
king! Therefore, Mohammed VI, who on his frail shoulders
carried the coffin of a "man" to his last abode, should
never forget the recurrent image of the king becoming a
"man". Today he is a king; tomorrow he shall be a "man".
Hassan II forgot the lesson and thought he was eternal.
He granted himself sacred status and his poets and
flatterers carte blanche to adore him.
Has he not invented the trinity: God, Country and King?
The king, poor mortal buried in a golden coffin, is raised
up to the rank of divinity! Shameless impertinence!
The young monarch walked in the funeral procession of the
demigod and attended the annual sacrilegious ceremony in
which the king was worshipped. May God forgive the "man" the
ritual of the Makhzen Baï'a, which enjoined the
dignitaries of the kingdom to prostrate themselves five
times before the human idol in the commotion of the
red-tarbooshed servants busy aligning the ranks of
worshippers.
How can dignitaries- ministers or senior officials tamed
like watchdogs to bow low before the haughty master- have
any dignity?
What shall we say to God about a Makhzen which subjects
free men to such impious and pagan ritual?
The young king also attended the big-budget conferences
and lavish festivities of Ramadan. The Habous, legacies and
devices of dead pious Muslims, are devoted to be spent on
cult and the poor. Not only were these possessions
misappropriated by the treacherous Makhzen but were also
spent on adulatory celebrations.
The young king should therefore make a decisive choice:
either the dynastic appeal prompts him to remain loyal to a
depraved and pompous tradition. Or he makes the courageous
and righteous decision to break with a disgraceful past and
atone for the crimes he witnessed with obvious
embarrassment. In so doing, we will hopefully believe that
Morocco is not a helpless case.
In this beginning of November 1999, the young king has
won the first round in his glorious battle against "
l'empire du mal". He has dismissed the central pillar of the
Makhzen. Hassan's odd-job man. Hassan's right-hand man.
Public enemy number 2.
Good omen … great challenge
A terrible and shrewd blow to the Makhzen! A courageous
and commendable act! A watershed! Yet a watershed in
what?
Hassan's man of straw was but a miserable wretch, a
scapegoat. When is the time to eradicate the root of all
evils?
In his speeches, the new king talks about a " new concept
of authority". He has brilliantly proven that he intends to
act accordingly. However, does he really intend to break off
with the past? Can he do so? When is the great revolution to
take place? What is Mohammed VI up to? Where does he lead
Morocco?
Nowhere if the young king does not start reconstruction
on the solid foundations of faith. Nowhere if Islam's moral
standards and spiritual virtues do not take part in
Morocco's renaissance. Nowhere if Mohammad VI continues to
act on an ad hoc basis. Whatever the courage and enthusiasm
of the young king and whatever the hopes the relieved
Moroccan people pin on the new power figure, the absence of
a comprehensive, clear and accepted project for Morocco's
reconstruction will turn the king and the country in a
vicious circle: the strong men of the regime like Oufkir and
Dlimi will hand over power to devoted servants like the
deposed minister. The burst of enthusiasm will give way to
failure and deception and so forth.
Fallback option
For things to change, the rulers who happen to hold
peoples' destiny in their grip should draw their inspiration
from a source other than their haughty selfishness and
"matchless genius".
Only a breakaway from the top can rescue the heirs of
absolute power from the " devilish quagmire" and the
enslaved peoples from material, political, cultural and
moral quicksand.
How noble is the task of devoting one's life and energy
to clear the air and the ground for reconstruction. People
will certainly lend support once confident and joined as
partners in the project. To do so, one has to admit one's
weaknesses, expose the realities as they are to the young
and qualified generation, ready to build a future of freedom
and dignity, and break once for all with behind-the-scenes
policies.
The " glorious" reign of Hassan, "the Founding Father of
Modern Morocco", was a series of political and cultural
capitulation towards the conniving outside world coupled
with systematic crackdown on Moroccans.
Mohammed VI is the first to know, and suffer, the brutal
manners and the "polished" language of the late king with
his servants or close relations. With foreigners, it is
quite another thing and king! It is a well-bred Hassan on
stage!
His contacts, or rather his complicity, with his foreign
friends and allies are open secrets. Who does not know his
affection and respect for cosmopolitan Zionist Jewry? Have
Moroccan people not been astonished by the television show
of rabbis blessing and praying for the " Commander of the
Faithful"?
The American press, namely the Washington Post, has
revealed how the CIA and the Mossad ensured the safety of
the late king and how, in return for that, he bestowed his
favours on his Zionist Jewish friends. As a sign of
gratitude, the Jewish nation named 70 avenues and streets in
Israel after the "dearly departed". Furthermore, the Zionist
government and organisations, led by Jews of Moroccan
origin, took part in the Israeli ceremonies dedicated to the
" unforgettable friend".
Declared friend of the Zionist Jews, Hassan spared no
effort to please the "chosen people". Some people have gone
as far as to describe Hassan's system of government as a
Judaeocracy.
Mohammed VI should therefore dissociate himself
definitely from his father's aberrations which seriously
offend Islam and morals. He should also repent of his
youthful indiscretions which could be venal sins if the
repentance is sincere.
To dissociate oneself from the abominable policy, which
betrays our Palestinian brothers and fellow Muslims, will
not be an easy task . The accomplices of the father will
spare no effort to protect the "dearly departed " and
reassure the novice king.
To better illustrate Jewish connivance with the late
king, let us take for example the day when l'Observatoire
des fortunes internationales ( institution which ranks the
top wealthy of the world) published that Hassan was among
the richest man in the world. The news and newspaper
headlines were quickly conjured away. We know very well who
are the media tycoons in America and elsewhere.
Fundamental change
The fabulous wealth of the late king- may God have mercy
on him- has passed over to Mohammed VI and his joint heirs.
Then, will the lust for wealth prompt the descendants of the
Saint Prophet- Peace be upon him- to retain each their share
of their father's ill-gotten gains? Are the young king, the
princes and princesses going to clear their conscience and
ask themselves sincerely about the flagrant discrepancy
between the people living in abject poverty and the heirs of
Aladdin's cave? Will they ever be affected by the lot of the
majority of Moroccans weighed down by illiteracy, despair
and destitution?
The young monarch seems to have a sensitive soul as
witnessed by his affection for the disabled children and his
solicitude towards the needy who queue up before his
residence. That's commendable indeed!
However, can Mohammed Braveheart go further in this
laudable action? Will he ever be convinced that the
situation is far more difficult and that only a fundamental
change can put an end to social segregation, loathsome
destitution and economic stagnation?
The depraved situation of the woman, the shameless
exploitation of children and the young idle and drug addicts
spreading terror in streets are so many social evils
crippling poor Morocco. Juvenile criminality is the other
appalling side of the happy young people acclaiming the
royal procession.
To put Morocco in an equation and seriously forecast its
future, two facts should be taken into consideration:
First the enormous foreign debt which weighs heavy on the
country's budget and thwarts any attempt for recovery. Let
alone administrative red tape, corruption and
immorality.
The second fact is that the young king, the princes and
princesses are the joint heirs of a fabulous wealth. Put
side by side, the two facts suggest an obvious and radical
solution to Moroccan's poverty: let this huge fortune be
allotted to the settlement of the heavy debt and the king
will raise himself up to the rank of heroes.
Does the kind-hearted king have the dauntless will to
transcend capitulation and accomplish the glorious feat? Is
it sheer utopianism? Or a challenge accepted by courageous
men whose names are engraved forever in people's memory and
in history as well?
A matchless figure in Muslim's post-caliphian history,
Omar son of Abdelaziz was proclaimed king after the death of
his uncle, king Suleiman. He commenced his reign by an
unprecedented initiative: he returned to the people their
expropriated possessions and ordered the royal family to do
the same. Convinced of the rigour and uprightness of her
extraordinary husband, the wife of Omar handed the king all
her jewellery.
It is the model that I innocently suggested, a quarter of
century ago, to the late king and that I suggest today
without too much optimism, I must admit, to the mortal son
of a dead king. The example of Omar Ibn Abdelaziz is the
famous one in our history though not the only one. Other
great men, among whom is the illustrious Youssef Ibn
Tachfine, have left indelible marks in Muslim's history.
Is it credible, thinkable and possible in our situation
to make such suggestion? Certainly not, unless….
Unless the young Mohammed VI decides to adopt the only
solution that would free the country of its present and
future shackles.
Hassan's Makhzen will not give up the ghost soon .
Brought up in corruption and trained in scheming, it will
adamantly refuse any undesirable suggestion. However, once
the heroic feat accomplished, the king may then appeal to
everybody's abnegation, responsibility, uprightness and
devotion in order to rebuild a new Morocco… a dream
Morocco.
Obstacles
Several obstacles will put up a fierce resistance to the
suggested solution. The outside obstacle is the foreign
international financial institutions, banks and investment
companies which will have their interests jeopardised by a
sudden transfer of such colossal funds. The inside obstacle
is the atavistic or natural attachment to worldly
possessions.
Once the realisation of the landed property done, the
repatriation of the illegally amassed wealth will be a
politically far-reaching initiative. Is it not above all a
religious duty and a way to win God's mercy and favour? To
return to Moroccan people what the late " father of the big
Moroccan family" had accumulated is only to do them justice.
The kind-hearted and dynamic young king should make the
decision to consider a radical solution to this enormous
legacy. Otherwise, Morocco will slide deep into stagnation
and underdevelopment.
This bold suggestion, which seems at first sight a sign
of sheer madness and mere rambling, will end up being
accepted as the wise solution.
Is it not ridiculous to make such a fuss over " la
fondation Hassan II", an organisation invented by some
scatterbrains or double-dealers? Is it not trivial to put
the name of a man of great " financial renown" to the
management of the second GSM deal miserable billion? Are the
media being libellous again?!!!
Do publish a denial and tell the people the exact or
approximate figure of the looted fortune!
New concepts
The young "father of the nation" now knows who holds the
key to the real change. Since he has suggested a new concept
of authority, he should equally act according to a new
concept of justice and fair share-out among the members of
the same family.
A new conception of economy and development, beyond reach
up to now, is essential if the king wants to get the country
out of the rut. The equation which contrasts Morocco's
foreign debt with the king's possessions is outrageous. The
foreign debt along with the structural adjustment benefits
account for nearly 36% of Morocco's GNP. At the same level,
the reasonable rate of national savings required to give the
economy a serious boost is in the region of 36%. Here is
another equation/suggestion which petty accountants would
not dare consider but which should not be lost on dauntless
wills.
This suggested historical decision would liberate Morocco
from the yoke of the World Bank- the structural adjustment
ruthless restrictions which have socially struck Morocco
down.
As a result of the increasing social devastation
occasioned by the World Bank's strangle hold on debtor
economies, appeal is made to social solidarity to ease the
living conditions of the underprivileged sections of
society.
Can Mohammed VI extend his solicitude to the poor beyond
organised charity? Is the king going to change one day into
a citizen-king? He, indeed, drives his own car and stops at
the red light. But will that establish the keenly sought
social peace?
The settlement of the debt/royal wealth issue, as we
conceive it, would be highly advantageous to Morocco. The
money allotted today to pay off the foreign debt would be
earmarked for public investment. Teaching and education,
which have relegated the country to the 125 rank, would be
spared a disastrous end. Deficient or absent infrastructure
in rural areas would be improved. Poverty would
systematically be curbed through opening up geographically
and socially disadvantaged areas. The unemployment rate
would be reduced gradually by more efficient methods.
Once the brave act accomplished, the sovereign would
attack with legitimate authority and unparalleled moral
stature corruption and immorality broadcast by the Moroccan
media. However, no serious change can take place if the
political life and the civil service are not made more
ethical and the morals of society not improved. To do so,
the ruler should start by himself. And only at that time can
we consider, armed with economic and financial means, public
salvation and opening a new page of openness and real
democracy.
I shall not talk here in details about the advantages of
genuine democracy in our country. Nor shall I criticise the
magic procedure which is going through agonies even in its
homeland. However, I shall say that the democratic rule,
that is the freedom and right of the people to choose their
government, is for us the only way out of dark
absolutism.
I say the democratic rule to make a distinction between
the procedure and the corollary of modern democracy:
secularism and indifference to spiritual and moral
values.
If we accept the democratic procedure, we adamantly
reject anything that drifts us away from our raison
d'être: Islam.
A long time excluded from the political scene, we will
legitimately remain skeptical as to a possible global
redemption by the young monarch. However, aware of the
gradual nature of any restoration, we are not in any hurry.
We will remain, in line with the Islamic logic, the
proposing "peaceful force".
Yet do show the world what you are made of! Do show
people that the skipper who chased out pirate ministers is
wise and upright! Prove by material evidence that the
impious and despotic tradition has gone forever, that the
king is up to the young people's expectations and that the
heirs to the fabulous wealth are going to loosen their
grip.
The inherited large fortune could not only cover the
foreign debt but Morocco's urgent needs as well. When I have
suggested to the king, the princes and princesses to repent
and return to the people their possessions, I do not ask
them to leave their villas and go and live in shanty towns
with underprivileged Moroccans. The king, as representative
of the state, should have at his disposal the material means
which suit his position. The princes and princesses, once
they have proven their solidarity with the suggested
exemplary and historical venture, would deserve people's
recognition and consideration. They would deserve, above all
and most importantly, God's consent.
I should like the descendant of the Prophet to read with
his own people the Holy Koran and the Sunna ( Tradition) of
his ancestor. The verses of the Koran and the teachings of
the Prophet describe in detail the punishment reserved for
the despots." Kitab al Madhalim" (Book of Grievance) in Al
Bukhari's collection would be highly enlightening for all of
us.
In the end, I wish the young king a lot of courage and
resolution and give him a farewell advice: " Save your poor
father from torment! Restore to the people their legitimate
belongings! Redeem yourself! Repent! Fear the King of the
kings!
P.S.: I have written these pages in French for two
obvious reasons. First, only what is written in a European
language is readable in diplomatic and politico-media
authorities. Second, the French-speaking elite regards as
vapid chatting anything published in Arabic, a "vernacular"
language used only to communicate with the illiterate
people.
Whatever effort you may exert to communicate in Arabic
with the Westernised elite, you will not be comprehended,
especially if you have a beard and are not familiar with the
common and fashionable journalistic style.
A.Y
MAROC
ATLAS
ASSEZ MOYEN
|
L'islamisme est le
seule mouvement politique que les juifs ne peuvent ni
acheter, ni infiltrer, ni briser. Comme ils tirent des
bénéfices immenses du régime actuel,
on comprend qu'ils redoutent ceux qui veulent le faire
tomber.
|
[Le texte
suivant est extrait du site français "aaargh
"]
(
http://www.abbc.net/aaargh/fran/actu/actu00/actu0004.html
)
"L'un
des plus grands voleurs de l'Afrique est enfin mort. Hassan
II et son sourire sarcastique quand il évoquait ses
ennemis torturés ont disparus. L'accession de son
fils au trône est enveloppée de maintes
questions. La tyrannie va-t-elle continuer?
Parmi les petits
signes d'ouverture, on peut compter le dialogue-affrontement
qui a opposé, le 8 février 2000, sur la chaine
de télévision qatarie Al-Jazira,
très populaires dans tout le monde
arabe,
Abderrafie Jawhari, responsable de l'USFP, la soi-disant
"gauche" marocaine, actuellement au pouvoir, et notre ami et
collègue Ahmed Rami, exilé politique depuis
bientôt 30 ans pour sa participation à une
tentive de coup d'Etat contre le sultan rouge, rouge du sang
du peuple. Le moins qu'on puisse dire est que Rami a
balayé ce pâle opportuniste. Il a
insisté à plusieurs reprises en
réclamant "pour les Marocains les mêmes droits
que les juifs
ont au Maroc".
Aussitôt la meute se déchaîne. Robert
Assaraf, chef autoproclamé des juifs marocains, se
répand en lamentations.
(Voir Jeune Afrique -
l'idiot,
7-13 mars 2000, numéro 2043)
"Ne faudrait-il pas aujourd'hui mobiliser les Juifs du
Maroc, dispersés à travers le monde, afin de
lancer un procès public contre Ahmed Rami, devenu
fasciste et antisémite pour gagner le soutien des
islamistes?"
Toujours ces
procédés de basse police. L'article est
intitulé "Maroc: de l'islamisme à
l'antisémitisme". L'islamisme est le seul mouvement
politique que ces gens-là ne peuvent ni acheter, ni
infiltrer, ni briser. Comme ils tirent des
bénéfices immenses du régime actuel, on
comprend qu'ils redoutent ceux qui veulent le faire tomber.
Pour notre part, il
est absolument clair que seuls les islamistes, au Maroc et
dans beaucoup de pays musulmans, ont une capacité
d'opposition à la domination
américaine-européenne-israélienne. Il
suffit, pour s'en convaincre de lire leurs analyses et leurs
propositions, qui se trouvent rarement exposées dans
les journaux, et pour cause. Il nous est donc
agréable de donner la parole à l'un des
principaux leaders islamistes du Maroc, le
cheikh Abdessalam Yassine
en publiant le mémorandum qu´il a adressé
à Mohammed VI. On soulignera la hauteur de vues dont
il témoigne.
On gardera
présent à l'esprit le fait que Mr Yassine est
en prison depuis dix ans, sans jugement, sans procès.
On se souviendra que le Maroc, sous Hassan II, a
été une abominable dictature, d'une
férocité systématique. Les opposants
tombaient dans un monde obscure de cauchemare et de torture
que l'ignoble souverain appelait benoîtement son
"jardin secret" quand il parlait aux journlistes-carpettes
des médias français. On gardera aussi à
l'esprit le fait que Hassan II avait amassé l'une des
plus grosses fortunes du monde, comme son acolyte Mobutu, en
prélevant systématiquement une dîme sur
toutes les activités de ses sujets dont
l'apauvrissement régulier est aussi un fait
incontestable. Tous les gouvernements français, de
gauche comme de droite, ont cautionné ces
ignominies.
On nous reproche
déjà une prétendue alliance brun-rouge.
En fait, nous sommes pour une alliance arc-en-ciel, en
ajoutant le vert (islamiste), le jaune (bouddhiste), le noir
africain, et toute le reste des peuples qui gémissent
sous le joug, toujours et partout le
même."
(aaargh
)
|
Interview with
Ahmed Rami
|
Ahmed
Rami
Après un exil de vingt deux ans,
l´acteur de
deux tentatives de coup d´Etat militaire
parle..
.
Propos recueillis par
Mustapha
Tossa
Ahmed Rami est né en 1946 à Tafraout au
Maroc. Il a fait ses études secondaires à
Tiznit au sud du Maroc.
De 1963 à 1966, il est professeur d´arabe
à Casablanca au Lycée Mohamed V, au
Lycée Fatima Zahra et à l´Ecole
Normale des Institutrices.
En 1966 il rentre à l´Académie
militaire marocaine de Meknès pour être
muté, deux années plus tard, à
l´Etat-major des blindés au camp Moulay
Ismaïl de Rabat.
Il participe aux deux
tentatives de coup d´Etat militaire au Maroc: celle
de Skhirat en 1971 et celle de l´attaque du Boeing
royal en 1972.
Après une année de disparition dans la
cladestinitée, il gagne la Suède en 1973
où il obtient l´asyle politique et la
nationalité suédoise.
Après avoir été militant UNFP (Union
Nationale des Forces Populaires), Ahmed Rami se
présente aujourd´hui comme militant
islamiste, mais d´un "islamisme [dit-il] qui
dépasse le débat sur le folklore et les
rites".
Autodidacte, il a publié de nombreux ouvrages, en
suédois, langue de son pays d´accueil, sur la
question palestinienne, l´Etat d´Israël et
les rapports conflictuels entre Musulmans et Juifs.
Vingt ans ont changé Ahmed Rami. Aujourd´hui,
il croit au dialogue politique pacifique à
condition que "toutes les libertés soient
garanties au sain d´un Etat de droit".
Maroc-Hebdo
|
|
Maroc-
Habdo:
Comment
avez-vous perçu le discours royal du 8
juillet 1994 et vous sentez-vous concerné
?
- Ahmed
Remi:
J'ai pour habitude de ne croire
qu'aux actes et non pas aux discours. Si les
propositions et les initiatives ne sont pas
suivies d'actes concrets, elles deviennent vides
de sens.
Je me sens évidemment concerné par
tout ce qui se passe dans mon pays. J'ajouterai
que la société marocaine traverse,
actuellement, une période décisive
de son histoire.
Quant à ma situation personnelle, vous
n'êtes pas sans savoir que je ne suis pas
un réfugié politique comme les
autres.
J´ai participé directement ou
indirectement aux deux tentatives de coup d'Etat
des années 70, [Attaque du palais
royal de Skhirat le 10 juillet 1971 et attaque
de l´avion de HassanII le 16 août
1972] après avoir été
un militant de l'UNFP [Union nationale des
forces populaires]. Mon cas ne peut
être traité qu'au niveau de la plus
haute autorité militaire.
Votre retour au
Maroc, est-il donc imaginable dans ces
conditions et comment ?
- A.
R.:
Il faut que vous sachiez que je ne fais
pas de mon retour au Maroc une exigence
immédiate.
Bien sûr, mon souhait le plus ardent est
de pouvoir retrouver les miens, ma mère
et mon frère notamment qui - et cela est
à mettre à l'actif du pouvoir -
n'ont jamais été
inquiétés. Mon père non
plus qui d'ailleurs s'est éteint
tranquillement chez lui au Maroc, il y a
près de deux ans. Etant donné mon
exil, je n'ai pas pu le voir une dernière
fois.
Etes-vous
décidé à regagner le
pays?
- A.
R.:
Si vous me garantissez ma
sécurité et la liberté
d'exprimer mes opinions, je prendrais le premier
avion : Vous savez, tout exil est souffrance
mais cette souffrance est moins dure quand
l'exilé milite pour la réalisation
de son idéal et de ses convictions.
A vous entendre,
votre retour au Maroc reste hypothétique
?
- A.
R.:
Je vous répète que je ne -suis pas
un réfugié politique ordinaire,
mon cas ne peut être traité que par
la plus haute autorité militaire,
à savoir le chef de l'Etat.
Çela dit, mon rêve est de pouvoir
rentrer dans un pays où règne
l'Etat de droit et la liberté. Le Maroc
peut si les responsables le désirent
devenir modèle de transition douce et
pacifique vers la démocratie pour
l'ensemble du monde arabomusulman.
Les coups d'Etat sont les pires choses qui
puissent arriver à un pays. A
présent, il n'y a plus de regrets
à avoir, le temps a fait son œuvre.
Mais les conditions d'oppression et de
corruption, à l'époque,
étaient telles que le coup d'Etat
était la seule manière d'exprimer
son mécontentement.
A l'époque d'Oufkir, j'avais à
peine 25 ans, donc jeune, impatient, dynamique,
fougueux. Comme la plupart des jeunes de m a
génération, je voulais changer le
monde. Comment ? Certains ont essayé de
le faire par le discours idéologique,
d'autres comme moi, par l'action. N'oubliez pas
que je faisais partie de l'armée, cette
grande muette. Le devoir de réserve
était de rigueur.
Alors vous vous
êtes exprimé par les armes,
était-ce la bonne solution ?
- A.
R.:
C'était la pire des solutions. C'est un
signe de faiblesse de notre
société que d'avoir eu besoin au
recours à la violence. Mais tout cela est
vieux de 22 ans. Evitez-moi de remuer davantage
ce passé révolu. Maintenant,
l'Islam représente, pour moi, un nouvel
engagement moral.
Mais ces opinions,
vous pouvez toujours les exprimer au soin d'un
parti politique au Maroc ?
- A.
R.:
Les partis politiques marocains ne sont
guère représentatifs. Il y a une
rupture réelle entre ces "partis" en tant
qu'"organisations" et le Peuple marocain. Et
puis, vous savez, au Maroc, on n'a pas encore la
liberté de fonder le parti politique que
l'on veut.
Ce n'est pas par caprice que je dis cela, mais
c'est un constat réel.
Le problème n'est pas dans la forme du
régime mais dans sa nature et ses
intentions.
Les partis politiques actuels sont
artificiels - pour la forme - et font partie
intégrante du régime dont ils sont
le produit et qui les utilise pour camoufler sa
vraie nature. Ce régime - comme tous les
régimes arabes actuels - manque de
légitimité. C´est le
problème essentiel. Donnez-nous la
liberté d'expression, d'opinion et
d´organisation (même pour les
islamistes), donnez-nous un pluralisme politique
authentique, donnez-nous une véritable
alternance - sous n´impore quelle forme -
et appelez cela ce que vous voulez. En arabe,
nous devons utiliser un mot arabe pour qualifier
cela, au lieu d´utiliser un vocabulaire
importé. Il faut définir la
liberté et la démocratie en tant
que méthode (régles de jeu
politique définies par une constitution
appliquée) et non en tant que contenu. La
démocratie n´est pas une
idéologie (politique, économique
ou religieuse, l´Islam est notre seule
religion et notre seule idéologie), mais
une méthode neutre (comme les
mathématiques) nécessaire au bon
fonctionement de toutes les
sociétés humaines, de tous les
Etats, de toutes les organisations et
associations politiques, sociales ou religieuses
pour gerer et résoudre leurs
probèmes de gestion.
.
Vous êtes
réfugié politique en Suède,
parlez. nous de vos activités dans ce
pays ?
-
A.R:
En tant qu'islamiste, il faut penser
globalement et agir localement. Quand je suis
arrivé en Suède, j'avais
constaté que notre identité
musulmane était, tous les jours,
bafouée. J'ai créé "Radio
Islam". Je dois vous dire que dans cette radio,
je n'ai jamais dénigré mon pays,
car j'estime que nous devons laver notre linge
sale en famille.
Les thèmes de la radio sont, entre
autres la question palestinienne, la Guerre du
Golfe et la situation des musulmans dans le
monde...
Sur la question palestinienne, je suis
entré en conflit direct avec le lobby
sioniste suédois et mondial. J'ai
écrit quelques livres, en suédois,
sur ces questions.
Le lobby juif a réussi à me faire
condamner à six mois de prison,
officiellement « pour manque de respect au
peuple juif ». Cette lutte, ce combat sont,
en vérité, à armes
inégales.
Vous êtes
connu pour entretenir des relations
priviligiés avec le pouvoir
Iranien...
- A.
R.:
Justement, à l'issue de mon procès
qui a eu un retentissement médiatique
important, j'ai été invité
par les Iraniens à me rendre à
Téhéran. Mon affaire a
été discutée au plus haut
niveau de la République islamique d'Iran.
Le parlement iranien a discuté des
tenants et aboutissants de ma condamnation.
L´Iran a-t-il
financé vos activités en
Suède?*
- A.
R.:
Si j'avais
touché le moindre centime des Iraniens,
croyez-moi que le lobby juif suédois ne
se serait pas gêné de le crier sur
les toits.
Je n'ai jamais touché un centime de qui
que ce soit. "Radio Islam" est financée
par ses auditeurs. Mes livres ont
été imprimés par des
bénévoles suédois connus.
J'ai choisi cette voie pour ne dépendre
de personne, et conserver ainsi ma
liberté d'expression, de critique et
surtout ma dignité de musulman libre.
Entretenez-vous. des
rapports avec des Islamistes marocains
?
- A.
R.:
J'ai des rapports avec certains d'entre eux,
mais je ne fais partie d'aucun mouvement.
Qu'est-ce qui vous
empêche d'adhérer à tel ou
tell mouvement Islamiste marocain?
- A.
R.:
Mes contacts avec eux me permettent de rester
à l'écoute de leurs
préoccupations. Une révolution
islamique, éclairée et radicale,
est la seule voie pour sauver l´existence
même de notre nation. Les mouvements
islamistes sont notre seule chance pour
réaliser cette révolution. Et ils
sont aujourd´hui les seuls à
résister à la décadence et
à la capitulation culturelle. Ceci dit,
certains des mouvement islamistes n'ont pas
encore réussi à apprendre à
établir des priorités en vue de
s´occuper, d´abord, de
l´essentiel.
Si en tant qu'islamiste, je milite pour le
réveil et la rennaissance de l'Islam et
l'instauration d'un Etat islamique, ce n'est pas
pour confier le pouvoir à des gens
fanatiques et stupides - tels certains en
Afghanistan et et au Koweit - motivés par
des obsessions folkloriques superficielles et
intolérantes qui portent tort à
l´Islam. Certains de ces "islamistes"
connaissent plus sur le sixième
siècle que sur le 20 ème
siècle.
En
fait,
le
but essentiel de l´Islam est la
liberation de l´homme. Dans l´Islam la
liberté est la régle,
l´interdit est l´exception. Dans
l'Etat islamique idéal que je
préconise, le principe fondamental est
celui de la liberté qui garantit le
pluralisme des idées guidées par
le Coran, la Sunna, le bon sens et l'
ijtihade.
Les mouvements islamistes,- et je parle ici en
tant qu´islamiste - présentent
encore une grande carence en cadres politiques
INTELLIGENTS, éclairés et
compétants, capables d'opérer une
synthèse entre un souci islamique
réel et la capacité à
comprendre et résoudre les
problèmes de notre époque. Le seul
mouvement qui me paraît relativement
doté d'une telle ossature est le
Hizbollah au Liban. J'ai rencontré
à trois reprises son leader spirituel
Mohamed Hussein Fadlallah qui présente
les qualités d'un grand leader
éclairé. Au Liban - il est vrai -
il y a un système de démocratie
relative, de pluralisme et de liberté
d´expression relativement favorable
à un dévelopement politique sain
et à l´apparition des dirigenats
capables et compétants. Mais cette
démocratie libanaise n´est pas
tombée du ciel. Elle a été
arrachée par le Jihad et par une lutte
héroïque. La liberté ne se
donne pas, elle s´arrache.
Il y a risque que certains des mouvements - qui
se disent "islamistes" - portent (en
eux-même) les mêmes maladies
qu´ ils prétendent combattre. Des
"leaders" charlatans et machiavelistes -
produits des régimes actuels - peuvent
facilement s´infiltrer et exploiter la
nature de l´ action secréte -
impopsée par les dictatures stupides -
pour excuser et légitimer l´exercice
de la dictature interne dans leurs
organisations. Pour éviter cela il faut
instaurer - au sein des mouvemets islamistes -
la démocratie interne; c´et à
dire le pluralisme, la transparance,
l´altérnance des dirigeants,
l´ouverture, la liberté, le
débats francs et libres pour y encrer des
régles de jeux politiques intelligeantes
et efficaes. (Cela est déjà
appliqué dans certains associations
musulmanes quant - par exemple - à la
gestion et l´éléction du
"bureau" et du "président" de
l´association). Pour cela il est d´une
nécessité vitale de permettre la
création des partis politiques
islamistes, de leur garantir la liberté
de s´organiser et de se développer
ouvertement.
Il est bien connu dans l'histoire politique des
peuples que l'oppression, le manque de
liberté enfantent la dictature. Etre
obligé d'œuvrer et de comploter dans
l'ombre ne fait pas, forcément, de vous
un fervent partisan de l'Etat de droit, encore
moins un soldat de la liberté. Les
dictatures d´aujourd´hui - par leur
stupidité - sont en train de couver les
dictatures stupides de demain. Les organisations
et les partis politiques qui n´exercent pas
les régles de jeux de la
démocratie - au sein de leurs mouvements
- ne seront pas capables d´instaurer la
liberté et la d´mocratie dans leurs
pays.
Revenons à l´ essentiel:
l´ennemi principal et le danger mortel
immédiat qui menacent actuellement
l´existence de notre nation, sont les
régimes tyraniques corrompus en place
dans nos pays. Face à notre situation
catastrophique actuelle, seuls les islamistes
sont capables d´en relever le défi.
Et c´est dans l´action et
l´expérience que les islamistes et
leurs organisations vont mûrir. L´
expérience, globalement très
positive, de la révolution islamique en
Iran en est une preuve. Seule à
être fondée sur l´Islam (et un
fontionnement démocratique
civilisé) la République Islamique
en Iran constitue, aujourd´hui, le seul
régime représentatif et le seul
Etat légitime dans le monde musulman.
Avez-vous des liens
politiques avec d'autres exilés marocains
à l'étranger
?
- A.
R.:
Il m'arrive souvent d'en rencontrer.
J'ai des relations d'amitié avec
Abdelmoumen Diouri. Par le passé, j'ai
rencontré Fkih Basri. Mais je suis en
désaccord total avec lui.
Mais mes relations avec les Marocains ne se
limitent pas aux exilés. J'ai, à
plusieurs reprises, rencontré
Abderrahmane Youssoufi pour lequel j'ai une
grande estime à la fois pour son
honnêteté et sa droiture.
Quelle est votre
position sur l´affaire du Sahara
?
- A.
R.:
Ma position sur ce sujet a toujours
été claire et nette. Je partage
l'opinion du peuple marocain sur la
marocanité indéniable et
éternelle du Sahara. Et dans mon
schéma de lécture, même la
Mauritanie devraient s´unir avec au
Maroc.
Si j'étais resté au Maroc, j'aurai
combattu aux côtés de mes camarades
pour l´unité du Maroc, des pays
musulmans et pour la marocanité de nos
provinces sahariennes. Je me rappelle
qu'après avoir quitté le Maroc,
j'ai été invité par le
président Boumediene en Algérie.
J'avais été reçu en grande
pompe et le chef d'Etat algérien m'avait
dit « Toi, tu es opérationnel »
et m'a proposé de devenir "chef
militaire" du Polisario. Ma réponse fut:
"si je voulais me prostituer pour un Etat je
n´aurai pas quitté le Maroc".
Au cours de mes nombreux déplacements
à l´étranger, j'avais
toujours refusé de participer aux
réunions où il y avait un
représentant des mercenaires du
"Polisario".
LE
RÉGIME DES VOLEURS
Quand
les
grands
voleurs
gouvernent
un pays !
Préface
d´Ahmed Rami à son
livre
"La
tragédie
marocaine
"
Ahmed
Rami
Il
y a un ensemble, saisissant, des
difficultés extrêmes
où se debattent tous les pays du
Tiers-Monde et que le Maroc, en
particulier, a trop tardé
à regarder en face.
A
l'époque où, officier
dans les rangs des "Forces
Armées Royales", j'étais
conduit à fréquenter les
coulisses du pouvoir au Maroc, j'ai
moi-même été le
témoin direct, chaque jour, des
faits et des problèmes que vit
encore aujourd´hui notre peuple au
Maroc.
Et
je n'ai pas été le seul
témoin. Des hommes de troupe aux
officiers supérieurs et aux
généraux marocains, tous
ceux qui conservaient encore une
certaine intégrité morale
et un certain honneur avaient
été conduits à la
révolte, contre le pouvoir
personnel corrompu et stupide de Hassan
II, en découvrant de près
la corruption et l'état de
putréfaction de son
régime.
Les
révoltes militaires (de Skhirat
en 1971 et du 16 aout 1972), auxquelles
j'ai pris part, ont exprimé
notre indignation, notre colère
et notre révolte face au pillage
des richesses nationales exercé
par le roi, par ses prostitués
politiques locaux et par une clique de
profiteurs juifs qui gravite autour de
sa personne.
A
la différence des pays
occidentaux, le Maroc ne connaît
que peu de hold-up de banques. C'est
que les voleurs d'envergure savent
qu'aujourd'hui, dans notre pays, la
source d'enrichissement la plus
sûre, la plus rapide, la seule
à vrai dire, est le pouvoir.
Le
systeme féodal (makhzen) que
Hassan II a
pérpétué
anachroniquement en plein XXe
siècle fait de la corruption
généralisée un
systhème de
gouvernement.
Le
régime de Hassan II constitue,
pour notre pays, pour notre peuple et
pour notre avenir un danger
mortel.
Face
à ce danger réel, et
à ce défi, il n y a, en
réalité, devant nous,
qu´une seule alternative: une
révolution islamique radicale,
éclairée, intelligeante
et tolérante!
Il
s´impose donc urgeance et
nécessité vitale de
créer un Front Islamique uni de
Liberation du Maroc.
Il
est essentiel de ne pa faire le jeu
rusé de Hassan II qui veut -
inspiré par ses conseillers
juifs - continuer à diviser pour
régner !
Ahmed
Rami
|
"Les
grands ne sont grands que parce que nous sommes
à genoux !
Levons-nous!"
Lire:
La
Tragédie
marocaine
Par
Ahmed Rami
L'article
suivant,
ici traduit en français, fut
publié
dans le journal russe Pravda, le 15 juillet
1997.
Il est traduit en 5 langues
L'idéalisme
de Radio Islam
Ahmed
Rami
Pravda:
Rami
n´est pas
achetable...
Il y a
plus de 25 ans de cela, le roi Hassan II donnait
l'ordre de traquer et de ramener au Maroc le
lieutenant Ahmed Rami. Rami avait en effet
participé au moins à deux
tentatives de coup d'Etat militaire, visant
à abolir la monarchie et fonder une
République Islamique. Les services
secrets marocains ne furent pas capables
d'exécuter l'ordre royal.
Aujourd'hui,
cet homme sympathique, plein d'une jeune vigueur
et incroyablement énergique, est à
la fois l'une des personnes les plus populaires
et les plus haïs de Suède. Ses
prises de positions politiques sont
discutées au Parlement suédois, et
aussi, nous a t'on dit, dans les réunions
gouvernementales.
Rami a
écrit et publié quatre livres
épais. Dans ces ouvrages, il
démontre avec des arguments convaincants
| |
